Louisiana historical quarterly, Volume 1

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The Louisiana
Historical Quarterly

Vol. I, No. 1. January 8, 1917.

Report on the Texas Boundary made to the President of the Republic
of Mexico in 1828.

Diary of Bernardo de Galvez, Pensacola, May 13, 1781.

Published Quarterly by

THE LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY ^

CAmLDO, NEW ORLEANS, LA.

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The Louisiana
Historical Quarterly

Vol. I, No. 1.

January 8, 1917.

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( iUL 101917 j

r

OFFICERS

OFTHB

LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

CASPAR CUSACHS, President.

JOHN DYMOND, First Vice-President.

T. P. THOMPSON, Second Vice-President.

HENRY RENSHAW, Third Vice-President.

W. O. HART, Treasurer.

MISS GRACE KINC, Recording Secretary.

ROBERT CLENK, Corresponding Secretary-Librarian.

Executive Committee

John Dymond, Chairman; Caspar Cusachs, T. P. Thompson, Henry Renshaw,
W. O. Hart, Miss Crace King and Robert Clenk.

Membership Committee

H. J. de la Vergne, Chairman; Miss Emma Zacharie and Cecrge Koppel.

Work and Archives Committee

Caspar Cusachs, Chairman; Miss Grace King, Robert Glenk, W. O. Hart,
T. P. Thompson and A. B. Booth.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Volume I, No. 1. January 8, 1917.

Introduction 5

Western Boundary of Louisiana, by Caspar Cusachs 9

Diario de Galvez, by Caspar Cusachs 9

Abstracts by Mr. Price, 6y Groce King 10

The Choctaw of St, Tammany, by Dr. David I, Bushnell, Jr 11

Report of the Texas Boundary made to the President of the Republic of

Mexico in 1828 21

Diary of Bernardo de Galvez, Pensacola, May 13, 1781 44

Original Contributions of Louisiana to Medical Science, a Bibliographical

Study, by Dr, Edmand Souchan _ 85

Louisiana Families 95

New Orleans Territory Memorialists to Congriess, 1804 99

Abstracts from Old Papers, 6y A/r. Price 103

Notes. (Department Title.) .- 116

Historical Data Acquired by the Congressional Library 117

Annual Report of the American Historical Association 117

Some Rare Louisiana Historic Data 118

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The Louisiana
Historical Quarterly

Vol. I, No. 1. January 8, 1917.

INTRODUCTION

The Louisiana Historical Society, with its career of. eighty years
behind it, may scarcely need introduction to the students of American
History, as the work that it has already done through its notable
men has left an impress upon the history of our State and all of
the Louisiana Purchase Territory that could hardly have been secured
in any other way.

Louisiana has a history of which we may well be proud. With the
closing years of its first century of Statehood we may be pardoned
for a short retrospective view of that century of our State's life and
for the expression of some hopes of what the second century may
bring to us. That part of our history with which we are most familiar,
by legend, by song and story, relates to this first century of our
Statehood and our Historical Society, which was organized in 1836
with Judge Henry A. Bullard as its first president. Its membership
includes Messrs. Harrison and Louis Janin, Messrs. Porter, Martin,
Roman, Canonge, Barton, Gray, Chaffe, Eustis, McCaleb, Ingalls,
Winthrop, Rost, Watts, Deblieux and Leonard. Judge Bullard was
a native of Massachusetts, born in 1788 and graduated from Harvard
College with the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1807 at the age of
nineteen. Soon thereafter he migrated to Louisiana and began the
practice of law in Natchitoches. He represented Louisiana in Con-
gress in 1831 and 1832, at which time Andre Bienvenu Roman was
Governor of this State, his successor in 1835 being Edward White of
Bayou Lafourche, father of Chief Justice E. D. White of the U. S.
Supreme Court. Judge Bullard was appointed District Judge after
his Congressional term and also served as Associate Justice of the
Supreme Court for twelve years. He served for a short time as
Secretary of State and in 1847 was elected professor of civil law in the
Law Department of the University of Louisiana. He attained a

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6 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

high position in Louisiana and died in 1851 after the death of Seargent
S. Prentiss in 1850, who probably was the most brilliant lawyer that
at that time practiced at the New Orleans bar. Judge Bullard was
chosen to deliver the bar's eulogy to Mr. Prentiss' memory.

At that time, in 1836, with a large French and Spanish popula-
tion and a rapidly increasing American population, before the date of
railways and early in the day of steamboating. New Orleans was
looked upon as the coming great city of the Mississippi Valley and
as such it rapidly progressed imtil the civil war began. That first
sixty years of the 19th Century we may call the Romantic Epoch
of Louisiana's American history and naturally those who came here
from other parts of the Federal Union and from other countries, were
much interested in the cosmopolitan civilization here developed
and engaged in recalling its origins and in recording its peculiarities.
Judge Bullard was conspicuous in these matters and was quick to
appreciate the distinctions between the every day life of Puritan
New England and the languorous lives of the people of Louisiana, the
land of the orange and the palm.

In Jime 1846 Francois Xavier Martin, the distinguished jurist
and historian of Louisiana, was elected president of the Historical
Society, but he died in December of that year. Of Judge Martin's
History of Louisiana, first published in 1827 and republished in
1882, we need say but little. His history is a standard work today
and while not as brilliant in its rhetoric or descriptions as the later
history of our State written by Charles Gayarre, it will always be
consulted by students of Louisiana history.

Judge Martin was a Frenchman by birth and was bom in Mar-
seilles n 1762. He migrated to the French island of Martinique in
1780 and six years thereafter to New Bern, North Carolina, then a
French Swiss settlement. At the age of 27 years he was admitted to the
bar of North Carolina and began his literary career by compiling and
translating valuable law books. He then wrote a history of North
Carolina and in 1806 and 1807 served as a member of the State
legislature. In 1809 President Madison appointed him Judge for the
territory of Mississippi and the following year he was transferred to
the Superior City Court of the territory of Orleans. Here his ability
was at once recognized and he was rapidly promoted to the offices
of Attorney General, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court and
finally be became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Some time
thereafter Judge Martin returned to private life and while made
president of the Louisiana Historical Society in June, 1846, his death
occxirring in December of the same year, he had but little oppor-

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Introduction 7

tunity to utilize his clear and logical mind in the development of the
Society.

Judge Bullard was again elected president of the Historical
Society in 1847, and died in New Orleans in 1851.

Judge Charles Gayarre, our distinguished historian of Louisiana,
was elected president of the Society in 1860. He had already pub-
lished three volumes of the History in 1854, the first two covering
the French Domination in Louisiana and the third covering the
Spanish Domination. In 1866 he published his final volume, on the
American Domination. The volume on the Spanish Domination
he dedicated to our great national historian, George Bancroft, who
was then one of the nation's most distinguished men, although his
great history of the United States in ten volimies, begim in 1834, was
not completed imtil 1874. Judge Gayarre wrote of Bancroft as "the
friend who encouraged his labors and the historian whose fame is
the pride of his coimtry."

Charles Gayarre was bom in New Orleans in 1805 and became
conspicuous in law matters when he was but twenty years of age.
In 1828 or 1829 he was admitted to the Pennsylvania bar and soon
thereafter returned to Louisiana and was admitted to the Louisiana
bar. In 1830 he was elected to the State legislature from the city of
New Orleans. In 1832 he was appointed presiding judge of the City
Coxirt of New Orleans. In 1835 he was elected to the United States
Senate. His health failing, he resigned from this high office and went
to Europe, where he remained eight years. Returning to New Orleans
he became again engaged in political, life and in 1844 was elected to
the State legislature and was re-elected two years later, but did not
serve the second term, but accepted the office of Secretary of State
in preference. He was quite a voliuninous writer and his literary
work was held in the highest esteem.

The civil war of practically fifteen years' duration in New Or-
leans, left the Society dormant. In 1877 the domicile of the Society
was changed from Baton Rouge, to New Orleans. In 1888 Judge
W. W. Howe was elected president of the Society. Judge Howe was
a gentleman of rare ability and greatly interested in the history of
Louisiana. It was largely through his influence and appreciation of
Martin's History of Louisiana that its republication was secured in
1882.

Professor Alcee Fortier of Tulane University, was elected presi-
dent in 1894. His recent and imexpected death came as a shock to
his many friends and admirers. He was one of Louisiana's most
successful writers and his writings, generally historical, covered a
wide range of investigation and research, such as but few men are

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8 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

capable of. His monumental work is his History of Louisiana, in
four voliunes, covering the period of known data from A. D. 1512
to 1904. It is now our standard history and reflects great credit on
Dr. Fortier and on our Society, which he served so long and so well.

Hon. Gasper Cusachs, now our president, succeeded Dr. Fortier
in January, 1914, since which time he has been annually re-elected.
Mr. Cusachs is the head of one of our most prominent families of the
old regime. The French, the Spanish and the American dominations
all merge in him. He has a splendid private collection of rare books,
papers and pictures pertaining to ancient Lx)uisiana and to modem
Louisiana, some of which are now deposited with the Society for the
benefit of its members and the public. He is an enthusiastic student
of Louisiana history and quite an encyclopaedia of information con-
cerning old families, old events and old things, and is constant, earn-
est and enthusiastic in his support of the Historical Society.

Under these conditions, these leaderships and these experiences,
the Louisiana Historical Society now announces the publication
quarterly of a magazine wherein will be given from time to time
data secured from the Society's archives and such other material as
may come imder its control and be pertinent to the Society's objects.
The Society's executive committee, under whose control the publica-
tion begins, solicits the co-operation of every member in making the
publication the success that it deserves to be.

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Western Boundary of Louisiana 9

The Western Boundary of Louisiana.

By Caspar Cusachs

The western boundary of Louisiana, being as it was the line which
separated the recently acquired territory from the lands of Texas,
then a Mexican province, was a source of much trouble to the govern-
ment of the United States a century ago. And while the United
States endeavored to establish it at the Rio Grande, the Mexican
authorities were equally firm in the contention that it extend as far
eastward as the Sabine. An expedition to survey this line was under-
taken by the latter, and the report of the journey, and conclusions,
as prepared by the Monk Jose Maria Puelles, an apostotalico of the
Convent at Zazatecas, forms one of the most interesting and
valuable contributions to the literature dealing with the question.
The report was published at Zacatecas in 1828, and has become so
very scarce that only two copies now can be traced, one of which is
now in my private collection, having been obtained in London
several years ago. In consideration of its great rarity, and value as a
contribution to the early history of our State, it has been deemed
worthy of being translated — the original, being in Spanish — and
printed at the present time. The title page is reproduced exact size.
The translation was made by Mr. Gilbert Pemberton, to whom I now
desire to express my gratitude for his excellent work.

XXX

Dario de Galvez

By Caspar Cusachs

On October 16, 1780 General Bernardo de Galvez led the Spanish
forces against Pensacola. The expedition resulted in the defeat of
the English arms which furnishes Louisiana today with her claim of
participating in the American Revolution.

Galvez's diary, evidently not intended for general distribution,
was printed in Spain soon after his return from America. It contains
much that should prove of interest to the historian of the present
time, and although quotations have been made from it and used by
different writers, yet it has not until the present time been translated
and printed in its entirety. The translation presented on the following
pages was made from a copy which I purchased in Madrid, and has
been carefully prepared by Mr. Gilbert Pemberton. No title page is
included with this copy, nor is it known whether one was ever printed.
Few copies of this very interesting work are known to exist.

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10 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Abstracts by William Price of State Papers Preserved in the
Louisiana Historical Society with Notes

By Grace King

In publishing these abstracts of State Papers, the Lotiisiana
Historical Society is carrying out a project cherished for many years,
a project, indeed, that became a duty and one heavy with responsi-
bility as gradual investigation revealed the rare historical value and
great importance of the documents. The information they contain
covers, as will be seen, every form of htiman interest developing
during the long course of years, extending from 1714 to 1769, when
French Louisiana was xmder the judicial government of the Superior
Coxmcil, whose paternal care seems to have been as varied as the'
region dependent upon it, the vast region extending from the North-
em Lakes to the Gidf of Mexico; from the fringe of British possessions
extending eastward to the Atlantic, to the Spanish possession (or
claims rather) between the Mississippi and the Pacific.

From the hiring of a servant to the killing of farm animals; the
intricate settling of estates, marriage contracts, disputes of ecclesias-
tical jurisdiction; conspiracies and plots of desertion, and piratical
adventures; the doamients wind along in and out of the small stream
of petty litigation but with their rich minute details of daily Ufe,
glittering like gold under the current. They evince an alipost total
avoidance of the political changes that took place, the crisis great
and momentous in their day to the colony, which brutally appren-
ticed it, as it were, first to one master and then to another, had its
capital moved from Fort Louis de la Mobile, to Dauphine Island,
thence to Biloxi and finally to its ultimate destiny (as seen from the
beginning by its astute Canadian founder Bienville and his followers)
to New Orleans, the great city on the banks of the Mississippi River.

The ups and downs in Bienville's own fortimes, are indicated
rather than revealed by passing references in the documents.

The massacre of the Natchez and the subsequent war made by
the French upon them are not noticed nor missed in the increasing
flow of items of more intimate importance, such as the price of flour
for 20 sous a poxmd in 1721-22 and the fact that in 1740 eggs sold for
10 sous an egg and that in 1740 the luxuries of the rich were figured
again on invoices; laces, silks, gold watches, fine jackets, gold and
silver embroidered on white, yellow, blue and cherry groxmds.

The story is a continuous one; a more faithful one could not well
be devised. The papers will be published in regular series in the cur-
rent numbers of the Quarterly.

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THE CHOCTAW OF ST. TAMMANY PARISH

By David L Bushnell, Jr.

The southeastern part of the United States, bordering on the
Gulf of Mexico, and extending westward from the Atlantic to the
Mississippi, was first traversed by Europeans during the years
1539-1541 when it was crossed by the Spanish expedition of De
Soto. At this time much of the area was claimed and occupied by
Muskhogean tribes who continued to live within their respective
territories tmtil early in the ninteenth century. Subsequent to the
days of De Soto many of the smaller tribes became more closely
allied and formed the Creek Confederacy, whose centers developed
in the valleys of the Chattahoochee and the Tallapoosa, within the
present State of Alabama. Westward from these were the Choctaw,
belonging to the same linguistic family, but possessing different
manners and customs. The Choctaw occupied the greater part of the
region now embraced within the boimds of the State of Mississippi,
and probably touched the shore of Lake Pontchartrain.

The Tangipahoa and Acolapissa had settlements just north of
Lake Pontchartrain. The former were probably near the stream
of that name which enters the lake some distance west of Mandeville,
and according to the Choctaw living nearby the name was derived
from two words, tonche, "com," and pahoha, '*cob" or "inside," and
is literally translated by them "corn-cob." The Acolapissa lived on
the banks of Pearl River, Talcatcha, a few miles above its mouth.
The relative connection of the Choctaw, the Tangipahoa, and the
Acolapissa, has not been clearly established, although all spoke the
same language and probably had similar manners and customs.

When New Orleans was settled, now two centuries ago, the
Choctaw were a numerous people, and their name often appears in
the annals of the colony. But the Tangipahoa and the Acolapissa
soon vanished from history, and it is highly probable the remnants
of the settlements were absorbed by their stronger neighbors.

The Indians living on the north side of Lake Pontchartrain in
coming to New Orleans, or the country southward, would have
crossed the lake, then probably followed some trail leading through
the intervening lowland. During the past few years traces of a settle-

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12 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

ment, with fragmentary pottery mingled with the accumulated soil,
and many himian remains, have been encountered in a slight ridge
near the shore of the lake some twelve miles northeast of the city.
This probably marks the landing place on the south shore, where
parties coming from the other side would encamp, or those returning
would await favorable weather before attempting the crossing. It
was not necessarily a permanent village, but a stopping place for those
who lived beyond the lake.

At the present time there lived near Bayou Lacomb, some miles
north of Lake Pontchartrain, in St. Tammany parish, a small group
of Indians known as Choctaw; but whether they are descendants of
the Acolapissa, or whether they have descended from an ofifshoot
from the main Choctaw tribe, may never be ascertained. Now,
after a lapse of two centuries since the planting of the colony, during
the greater part of which time the Indians have been in rather close
intercourse with Europeans, it is interesting to know that many of
their primitive manners, customs, and beliefs, have persisted, — the
more interesting of these are presented in the present paper. i

Many place-names in St. Tammany, names by which the early
French explorers knew the streams and which consequently must
date from the days before the coming of Europeans, appear to be of
Choctaw origin.

Bayou Castine. This seems to have been derived from the
Choctaw Caste, or "fleas," so named on account of the great number
of fleas foimd there.

Chinchuba creek. Chinchuba being the Choctaw for ''alligator."
Chefuncte river. The Choctaw word meaning "chinkapin"
(Castanea pumila.)

Ponchitoawa creek. The word is translated "singing hair."
Bogue Falaya. Derived from the Choctaw words, bogu, "river,"
sndfalaya, "long."

Cane bayou. Called by the Choctaw chela ha, "noisy," so named
on account of the noise caused by the wind blowing through the
canes.

Bayou Lacomb. Designated by the Choctaw butchu wa, "squeez-
ing." Their settlement is known by the same name.

Pearl river. Known to the Choctaw at the present time as
Hatcha. This is clearly an abbreviation of Talcatcha, "rock river,"
of Penicaut.

Lake Ponchartrain. The Choctaw name for any wide expanse

1 — During the winter of 1908-1909 the writer was in St. Tammany parish and devoted much time
to the Choctaw. The information gathered at this time was given in Bulletin 48, Bure-au of American.
Ethnology, Washington, 191)9, entitled Tkr Choctaw o1 Bayou Lacomb, Si. Tanitnany Paiish, Louisiana
Extracts from the Bulletin are included in the present paper.

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14 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

of water, such as the lake, is OkwS ta, derived from okwa, "water,"
the suffix ta signifying "large" or "wide."

Habitations. The primitive habitations of the Choctaw who
lived on the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain are said to have been
of two forms, circular and rectangular. The former may, in reality,
refer to the ancient cotmcil house of the commimity. They are
described as having been formed of a frame work made of small
saplings, with tops and sides of palmetto thatch. These were, how-
ever, long ago replaced by the log cabin, and a structure resembling
the primitive habitation though covered with planks and large shin-
gles in the place of palmetto. Examples of these are shown in Plate
...., a reproduction of a painting made by Bernard in 1846 and now
owned by Mrs. Chas. T. Yenni of New Orleans. The view was proba-
bly made near Bonfouca, near the site of the first chapel reared by
P^re Adrian Rouquette who lived among the Indians from 1845 until
his death in 1887. Bonfouca is some eight miles from Bayou Lacomb.

Food. In olden times, before guns had been substituted for the
native weapons, game was abimdant and easily taken. Fish and wild
fowl, fhiits and vegetables, were plentiful. The finding of the bones of
the alligator mingled with camp refuse in a domiciliary mound near
Chinchuba creek, evidently proves the flesh of the alligator to have
been utilized as an article of food. Several vegetables were raised
in gardens, among these was a variety of com which, according to the
people of Lacomb, was prepared in this manner: Tonche (Zea mays),
was allowed to ripen and harden on the cob; then it was removed and
dried over hot ashes. Next it was placed in a wooden mortar (kite),
and pounded with a wooden pestle (ketoke), after which it was placed
in a winnowing basket (obfko). The obfko being held horizontal and
moved rapidly up and down, back and forth, throwing the crushed
grain in tJie air and allowing the lighter particles to be carried off
and fall into a large flat basket, (tapa), resting on the groimd. The
grain remaining in the obfko was again pounded in the mortar and then
passed through a sieve (ishsho ha). The fine particles that passed
through the sieve were called botu; the coarser portion remaining in
the sieve being known as tonlache. Much of the botu was parched
and eaten mixed with water; but most of the coarser tonlache was
boiled either with or without meat. Nothing is more characteristic
of the American aborigines than the raising and preparation of corn,
and the methods followed by the Choctaw near the shore of Lake
Pontchartrain were probably similar to those known to the tribes
throughout the valley of the Mississippi.

Haws and berries of many sorts grow in abundance in the vicinity
of Bayou Lacomb. Wild crabapples are gathered and dried on a

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The Choctaw of St. Tammany Parish 15

frame, they appear to be the only fruit that is preserved in any manner
and kept for future use.

Dress and Personal Decoration. The men formerly wore their
hair of sufficient length to enable them to form it into two braids,
one on each side of the head. In front the hair was cut straight
across, above the eyebrowns. The women allowed their hair to grow
long and tied it up in back. Both men and women painted, and blue,
red, yellow, and green are remembered to have been used on their
faces. According to the old women at Lacomb there were no special
designs, and no combination of colors had any meaning. But one
favorite design is now recalled, it was a yellow crescent outlined with
blue, and was painted on both cheeks. It was used by both men
and women and was intended to represent a new moon in the dark
blue sky. Tattooing (hanchahale) was likewise practiced by both
men and women, but to a much less degree than was painting. Lines
were tattooed on the cheeks, and in some cases the shoulders were so
decorated, but no other part of the body. The method was to pxmc-
ture the skin with a fine needle, then to rub soot obtained from
burning yellow pine over the surface. This was applied several
times, or tmtil sufficient quantity had entered the pimctures. The
soot gave a bluish tinge, this alone was used.

Like many others, the Choctaw are very fond of bright colors.
In past days they obtained beads and ribbons from the traders,
and from the shops in New Orleans.

Artifacts. Few articles are now made by the Indians, and much
of their ancient art has been forgotten. However, they still follow
their primitive method of preparing skins, and making dyes for their
basket-work. During the past few years they have been utilizing
brilliant aniline dyes but at the present time, (March, 1917), on ac-
coimt of the scarcity of these, they are about again to begin the making
and using of their native colors. This will add greatly to the beau-
ty and interest of their baskets. Three colors are made by the
Choctaw, the same as were known to all the Southern tribes, these
are red, yellow, and black; which, together with the natural cane,
gives them four colors to combine in their work. Yellow is derived
from the root of the Rumex crispus L. (yellow dock). It is broken
into small pieces and then boiled in water. The material to be
colored is placed in this liquid and allowed to boil until the desired
tint is obtained. To make a red equal parts of the bark of the red oak,
Quercus texana, and the black gum, Nyssa aquatica L. are burned to a
fine ash. Water is added to this to form a thick paste. The material
previously dyed yellow, as described above, is then covered with this
paste, and within a few hours the strong alkali turns the yellow a

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16 The Louisiana Historical Qtiarterly

deep red. Although black is not now made at Lacomb it is known
to have been made by the **old people," from the bark of a tree that
grows farther north, — ^this is probably the walnut.

Of the many types of baskets made by these people the pack
basket, kishe, is probably the most interesting. They are usually
about twenty inches in height, the bottom is rectangular with the
top flaring on two sides. Several examples are shown in Bernard's

painting, Plate Covered baskets were formerly made, some quite

large. The pointed type, taposhake chufa; and the elbow shaped,
taposhake shakapa, are well known forms.

Pottery vessels are no longer made although they are remem-
bered to have been made and used within a generation. Pipes of
earthenware were used tmtil quite recently. It is quite evident that
fragmentary pottery encoxmtered on several sites in St. Tammany
parish was of Choctaw origin.

Spoons are made from cow horns after the fashion of similar ones
once made by their ancestors from the horns of buffalo.

Social Culture.

Transportation. Dugouts, hollowed from a single log of black
gum, were used on the creeks and bayous. Many of the roads tra-
versing the parish probably follow tiie courses of ancient Indian
trails, and even now a road leading from just west of Chinchuba to
the diore of Lake Pontchartrain, is known as the "Indian road."
It passes within a few feet of the domiciliary motmd already mention-
ed, and evidently follows the trail that led from the settlement about
the mound to the lake shore.

Hunting and Fishing. The blowgun was used imtil a few years
ago in htmting small game, and various birds. The weapon (kaklu
mpa) was formed of a single piece of cane {Arundinaria macrosperma;
Choctaw, uske); its length was about seven feet, formed by perfo-
rating the joints. The darts {shuma nte) were made of small canes cw
pieces of hard yellow pine, having a length of about fifteen to eight-
een inches. One end was sharpened, the other was wrapped with a
narrow band of cloth having a frayed edge which extended to the
rear. Soft, tanned skin was also used for this purpose. The effect
of this wrapping was to expand and fill the bore of the gim when the
dart was being projected. Bows and arrows were formerly used, but
for many generations firearms have been obtained from the French,
the Spanish, and in later years from the Americans.

Games and Pastimes. Games of chance appear to have been
rather few among the Choctaw, but many were imdoubtedly known
to the older generations that are now lost and forgotten. It is of

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The Choctaw of St. Tammany Parish 17

interest, however, to find here a game quite similar to the moccasin
game of the Algonquin tribes of the north, and although no longer
played it is remembered by the oldest woman at Lacomb who de-
scribed it thus: ''Lake lami. Twelve men were required in playing
the game. They knelt or sat on the groxmd in two rows, or "sides,"
facing each other, six players in each row. Seven hats were placed on
the groxmd in a line between the two rows of players. The player
who was to start the game and who was always at one end of his
row held in one hand a small stone or shot. With his other hand he
raised all the hats in order, placing xmder one of these the stone or
shot; during the entire performance he sang a particular song. After
the stone or shot had been placed, the player sitting opposite him
guessed xmder which hat it lay. If he did not succeed in three guesses,
the leader removed the object and again hid it tmder either the same
or another hat. Then the second player on the opposite side had
three guesses. If a player guessed tmder which hat the object was
hidden, he in turn became the leader. Unfortunately, those who
described the game could not recall how the points were counted.
They agree, however, that the side having the greater number of
points made by the six players combined, won." Another favorite
game was ''Tanje boska, or com game." This was played, the writer
was informed, with either five or seven kernels of com blackened on
one side. Holding all the grains in one hand, the players tossed
them on the grotmd, each player having three throws. The one
making the greater number of points in the aggregate, won. Each
'black' turned up coxmted one point; all 'white' turned up coxmted
either five or seven points, according to the number of kernels used.
Any number of persons could play at the same time, but usually
there were omly two."

The great ball game of the Choctaw, so often mentioned by the
early writers, is known to the people of Lacomb, and a variation of the
game is now played by them. At the present time the children know
several games played by the whites. Marbles and tag being among
them.

Dances. The people to whom this article refers have one dance
ceremony which is in reality a series of seven distinct dances, per-
formed in a fixed order. The names of the dances in the order given
are: Nanena hitkla, Man dance; Shatene hitkla. Tick dance; Kwishco
hitkla, Drunkenman dance; Tinsanale hitkla; Fuchuse hitkla. Duck
dance; Hitkla Falama, Dance Go-and-come; Siente hitkla, Snake
dance. Every dance was accompanied by a particular song or chant.
The dances were usually, if not always, performed at night.

Medicinal plants. The Choctaw make use of a large variety of

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18 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

plants, some of which have medicinal properties, but many being
quite valueless. Some are boiled and the extract is drunk, others
are prepared as dressings or poultices for wounds.

Marriage ceremony. The native ceremony of the Choctaw, as
was followed until a few years ago, was thus described by the women
of Lacomb: When a man decided he wanted to marry a certain
girl he confided in his nearest female relative, she then talked with the
mother or nearest relative of the girl and if they agreed, they in turn
visited the two chiefs or heads of their respective ogla. As a man
could not marry in his own ogla the women were often obliged to make
long trips before seeing the two chiefs whose villages were frequently
far apart. After all had been arranged the man, accompanied by
many of his friends, went to the girl's village. As the time for the
ceremony drew near the woman with her friends were seen some
distance away. The man and his party approached and attempted
to catch the girl, then followed sham fighting during which time the
girl apparently attempted to escape, but she was caught by the man
and his friends and relatives. Then all went to a spot where a feast
had been prepared, both parties having contributed. Off to one
side four seats had been arranged in a row, the man and girl took the
middle seats and on the ends sat the two male heads or chiefs of their
respective ogla. Certain questions were then asked by the chiefs,
and if all answers were satisfactory, the man and girl agreed to live
together as man and wife and were permitted to do so. So closed
the ceremony after which was feasting and dancing. The man con-
tinued to live in his wife's village and their children belonged to her
ogla.

Religion. As has been mentioned, Pere Rouquette lived among the
Choctaw of St. Tammany parish from the year 1845 until his death in
1887, and during this time brought many under the influence of the
Roman Catholic Church. But even before the coming of the Father
the Indians had probably been influenced by others. It is evident
they did not then agree among themselves regarding the future
state, and some held to the belief that with death all existence ceased.
They seemed to have had a vague idea of a spirit in the body, but
when the spirit died, then man, or rather the body, ceased to move.
"Others, who are said to have constituted the predominating element
in the tribe, had a radically different conception of man's future
state. These believed in the existence of two spirits — Aba being the
*good spirit above' and Nanapolo the *bad spirit. " They also
have remarkable beliefs of ghosts, and spirits encountered on lonely
trails. Dreams are explained through the belief that during sleep the

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The Choctaw of St. Tammany Parish 19

'spirit' leaves'the body, and when it returns relates to the individual
alljthatj^it has seen and done.

Myths and legends. The Choctaw, like all aborigines, possess a
vast number of tales, many probably having been told and retold
through generations. The majority reflect the natural environment
of the people, with many references to the deep, dark waters, the
lonely paths through forests, and certain phenomena of the southern
country. Fanciful beings are met in many of the myths, one being
Kashehotoapalo. This, so they say, "is neither man nor beast. His
head is small and his face shriveled and evil to look upon; his body
is that of a man. His legs and feet are those of a deer, the former
being covered with hair and the latter having cloven hoofs. He lives
in low, swampy places, away from the habitations of men. When
hunters go near his hiding place, he quietly slips up behind them
and calls loudly, then turns and runs swiftly away. He never attempts
to harm the hxmters, but delights in frightening them. The sound
uttered by Kashehotoapalo resembles the cry of a woman, and that is
the reason for his name (kasheho, 'woman;' tapalo, 'call.' ")

And this legend is supposed to explain why the 'Possum has a
large mouth: "It had been a dry season and there was very little
food for Deer, consequently he had become thin and rather weak.
One day Deer met 'Possum and exclsiimed: *Why! Possiun, how
very fat you are. How do you keep so fat when I can not find enough
to eat?' And 'Possum answered, 'I live on persimmons, and they are
unusually large this year, I have all I want to eat.' 'But how do you
get persimmons, which grow so high above the groimd?' That is
very easily done,' replied 'Possum. *I go to the top of a high hill and,
and, nmning swiftly down, strike a persimmon tree so hard with
my head that all the ripe persimmons fall to the ground. Then I
sit there and eat and eat until I cannot hold more.' 'Indeed, that is
easily done,' answered Deer; 'now watch me.'

So 'Possum waited near the tree while Deer went to the top of a
nearby hill. And when Deer reached the top of the hill, he turned
and then ran quickly down, striking the tree with so great force that
he was killed and all his bones broken. When 'Possum saw what
Deer had done, he laughed so hard that he stretched his mouth,
which remains large even to this day."

Such are their primitive tales and beliefs.

In presenting these references to the manners and customs of
the Choctaw of St. Tammany parish, it is hoped others may become
interested in preserving notes on the Indians scattered throughout
Loviisiana. Small groups and individuals are met with in widely

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20 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

separated localities. Some may represent the last of a little-known
tribe, and may possess knowledge of inestimable value to the his-
torian and ethnologist at the present time. All such information
should be carefully gathered and preserved; another generation and
little win remain.

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REPORT

GIVEN TO

His Excellency, the President of the Mexican Republic

with Regard to the Boundaries of the Province

of Texas with that of Louisiana.

ZACATECAS, 1828.

Press of the Supreme Government

In Charge of

Cavalier Pedro Pina.

INTRODUCTION.

The Commission named by the Supreme Government of the
Nation, having already left Mexico to fix the territorial boundaries
of our Republic with that of the United States of North America,
it will be very useful that we Mexicans should know something of
what has occtirred in former years with regard to this question.
With this end in view, and desiring to make known the labors of a
native of Zacatecas, the Reverend Fray Jose Maria Puelles, the
actual guardian of the Apostolic College of Guadalupe, to whom the
said Supreme Government entrusted the making of a report covering all
the information he had acquired during his long stay in those countries
as a missionary, which report will imdoubtedly prove very useful
to the Commissioners, I have resolved to publish same in order to
do this service to our country, and also recommend the dilligence of
the author, who has deserved the approval of the Government, as
will be seen from the following commimication:

"Ministry of Justice and Ecclesiastical Affairs. Section: I have
reviewed the report sent by you under date of the 28th of last Novem-
ber, relative to the occidental boundaries of Texas and Louisiana,
and His Excellency, the President, has remarked the thoroughness
with which you have prepared them and your zeal in behalf of the
interests of the Mexican Republic, but as you cite, among other docu-
ments, the calendar or commercial almanack written in New Orleans
for the year 1807 by Mr. Laffont, his Excellency orders me to request
ycu the loan of said documents which you may send to this office,
of which I am in charge, to be returned as soon as it has served its
purpose. God & Liberty.

Mexico, the 22nd of December, 1827. R. ARIZPE.

To Reverend Father Guardian of the Apostolic College of our Lady
of Guadalupe of Zacatecas.''

The report is as follows:

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QUE SE DIO AL EXCMO. SR. PRESIDENTE

OR X.A

REPUBLICA MEJICANA,

80BRE I4IMITES BE EA PROVINCIA
DE TEJJS.

CON LADE LA

LV IS I AN A.

ZACATECAS: 1828.

Imprenla del supremo gobierno^ a 'cargo

del c. Pedro Pina*

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REPORT
Upon the Boundaries of the Province of Texas

with that of Louisiana.

Excellency:

As a consequence of what I have promised your Excellency, and
in order to correspond to the confidence of his Excellency, the Presi-
dent of the Federation, you ask me, imder date of the 7th of this
month, to obtain all the documents existing in the archives imder
my charge relating to the occidental boimdaries of the province of
Louisiana with that of Texas, or New Philippines, and that I consult
with regard to this matter with other priests of this College who have
travelled in these countries, beg to say: that two priests have investi-
gated these archives without finding anything at all, probably be-
cause the docimients formerly kept here and in the archives of the
Province of Texas, were sent to the Capital City of Mexico or to
the offices of the Commandant General of Chihauhua, who at the
beginning of this century endeavored to collect from all the archives
subject to his inspection all the papers bearing on the said, subject,
or possibly prior to this date these docimients had been given to other
Colleges in order to form a chronicle of them.

I have consulted, as yoxir Excellency charges me, with the
Reverend Father Commissary, actual Prefect of Missions, Fray
Manuel Gaitan, with the Reverend Father ex-Guardian Fray Ber-
nadino Vallejo, and with the Reverend Father Fray Jose Maria
Delgadillo, all of whom resided a great many years on the Texan
frontier, near Louisiana, and they know no more than what is cxir-
rently known by everyone living in those places, and that is that the
boimdary of Texas begins with the River that fl^ows into the Gulf
ofMexico at degrees 39 and a few minutes, the line following up to its
head waters; from there to the Arroyo Hondo (Deep Creek) or
Mountain River (as it is called by some Frenchmen) which is situated
three leagues to the west of Nachitoches at the 23nd degree of lati-
tude and 284th degree and 30 minutes longitude from the Peak of
Tenerife. From there the line follows cutting in the center of the
lakes that are to the westward and that are formed by the Red River
(also known as the Nachitoches, Cadaudachos, or Palisade River)
up to the 32nd degree 10 minutes latitude, where the said river crosses

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24 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

the line and txirns diagonally until it flows into the Missouri, which
enters the Mississippi at latitude 38 degrees 30, minutes. This is
what the Fathers laiow and what was known by all the old Spanish
and French settlers when I was there at the beginning of this cen-
tury. This knowledge was a tradition which had been handed
down to them by their forefathers, and of which in former years the
Mexican Government has compiled an act to that effect, sworn to
by more than six witnesses of great age, who swore that they had
always heard said that such were the limits.

At the beginning of this century, and whilst residing on the
referred to frontier, I was commissioned by Brigadier General D.
Nemecio Salcedo to look up archives and make plans of these Pro-
vinces and their boundaries and make a report of my findings.. But
after two months I was relieved of my commission on accoimt of
(so I was told) misimderstandings between the Commandant
General and the Viceroy, and also because the Rev. Father Fray
Melchor Talamantes, who acting imder orders of the Government
worked on the same subject in Mexico City, and the Rev. Father
Fray Jose Maria Rojas, a pupil of this College, who acting imder
instructions of 'the Commandant General, investigated the same
subject in Chihuahua, foimd in the course of their work documents
bearing upon the subject with which they seemed satisfied, all of
which documents remained in possession of Father Talamantes.

All the information acquired during the course of my investi-
gations was turned over to the Commandant General at Chihuahua,
and of the plans which I made by accumulating all the data at hand,
I gave one to the Commandant General, one to D. Jose de la Cruz
in year 1815, another to Don Caesareo de la Rosa, who now resides
in Guadalajara, when in former years he was sent to Spain as a dele-
gate to Congress; yet another one was stolen from me by the Engi-
neer Don Nicolas Finiels, who accompanied the ex-Marquis of
Casa Calvo in 1804 on the occasion of his visit to the frontier of
Texas, as delegate of the Spanish Government to settle the boun-
daries of this Province with that of Louisiana. Various copies of
these plans have been made. The foreigners living in the province
have also made fairly accurate plans of the region.

The manuscripts you speak of, entitled Memoirs of Texas,
written by the Rev. Father Morfi, are full of important errors, inas-
much as this person never had the opportunity of reviewing them.
These same errors are contained in History of New Philippines, or
Province of Texas, written by Don Carlos Cifuenza y Gongora, for
as he wrote a long time ago and without the necessary knowledge,
his writings are very incomplete. The Mexican Theatre, written by

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Report of the Texas Boundary 25

the Cavalier Villasenor, is also full of errors. The Conquest ofNuva
Galicia hardly mentions the Province of Texas. What Don Antonio
Bonilla wrote on the subject is very fine; he, however, wrote very
fast and without practical knowledge of facts. The same thing
occurs with the writings of the Rev. Father Fray Melchor Talamantes
of the Order of Mercy, This enlightened writer studied all available
documents, but he wrote so far away from the Province of Texas,
and as he had never been there he could not give a perfect account
of the region, and some of his writings are confused. Better by far
is the account of the voyage of the ex-Marquis of San Miguel de
Aguayo, printed at the beginning of the last century, a copy of which
exists in the Capital. The chronicles of the Apostolic Colleges
written by the Rev. Father Fray Isidoro Espinosa in 1746, and Fray
Domingo Arrecivia in 1792, both sons of the College of Quaratero,
are also very good. Antonio Herrera and his pupils have also written
on the subject, although some of these writings are not quite clear.
The same thing occurs with Garcilazo de la Vega in his History (tf
Florida, otherwise kncJwn as The Incas of Peru. This is even less
clear than the preceding writings. Lately, Senor Onis, the Spanish
Ambassador to the U. S., has written intelligently on the subject
and his writings, as well as those before mentioned, can be had in
Mexico, where also resides Senor don Francisco Velasco, Secretary
in the office of the Commandant General of Chihuahua, a man well
versed in the affairs of his office and of a great deal of talent, who can
inform you with regard to the documents I mention above. Several
Frenchmen have also written oh the subject, amongst them a certain
M. Dupratz, who resided in Louisiana from 1718 to 1734, but his
history is full of falsehoods, especially in that part wherein he states
that the limits of Louisiana extend to the west up to the Bravo or
North River, by which statement he makes known his malice or ig-
norance and that he had not read, nor does he know in what year the
Spaniards peopled the Province of Texas or New Philippines. This is
the reason why credit should not be given to writings of French authors,
excepting the notes in the commercial almanack, written in New
Orleans in 1807 by M. Laffont.

Notwithstanding the foregoing I will say: that the Spaniards
were the first to recognize the Province of Louisiana and Florida, as
also the Province of Texas. The last province extended at first from
the Red River, or de los Cadaudachos, or the Palisades or Nachi-
toches, as far as the Trinidad River, or River of Flowers or Magda-
lena River, that is to the westward of the first named river. But
after the Cabinet had withdrawn the government from the Presidio
of Adaix near Louisiana, and sent it to that of Bejar, 200 leagues to

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26 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

the west southwest, the limits were fixed in the same direction by
the River Nueces, which enters the Gulf of Mexico at the south,
and to the north of Nueces by the River Medina, which enters the
San Antonio de Bejar, in order to divide the Province of Coahuila
from that of Santander.

The Trinidad River, or River of Flowers, or Magdalena River,
as it is called by various authors, has its source at the 34th degree of
latitude, and enters the Gulf of Mexico at the 29th degree 20 minutes
of latitude and 283rd degree of longitude from the Peak of Tenerife.
The Red River before mentioned, or as it is otherwise known, the
Palisades or de los Cadaudochos, has its source at the 36th degree
of latitude, facing east of Santa Fe, capital of New Mexico, and run-
ing east, southeast enters the Mississippi at the 30th degree of
latitude.

From the following notes your Excellency will see that the
Spaniards were the first to occupy the Province of Texas or New
Philippines and that of Louisiana and Florida, and you will also be
able to deduct our absolute and incontestable right to all the old
Province of Texas before the Anglo-Americans extended themselves
to the Sabines River at the beginning of this century, which river
is 25 Spanish leagues to the west of the Red or Nachitoches in the
32nd degree of latitude, for the Anglo-Americans desired, as the
French had also desired, to extend their boundaries as far as the
Bravo or North River, because they had heard it said that these
were the limits, or possibly they had read the reports sent to the
Court of France in the first part of the 17th century, confusing the
above river with another which the French explorers of Louisiana
had also called Bravo or North River and which is really an arm of
the Mississippi which flows from it at the 30th degree of latitude and
enters Mexican territory at the 29th degree and 29 minutes in Ver-
milion or Ascension Bay.

It is here necessary for me, to advise before I forget it, that
there is a Sabines River, or as it is also called Salty River, in the
Province of Coahuila, which enters the Rio Grande or North River
at the 28th degree of latitude and the 277th of longitude from the
Peak of Tenerife.

In the year 1512 Juan Ponce de Leon, a Spaniard, entered
Florida in its southern part, at Easter time, and navigated along
the coast of Mexico.

A few years later a pilot named Miruelo was dashed by a tempest
on the coast of Florida, but having lost his bearings was unable to
return to port.

In the year 1518 the Spanish Captain Juan de Gujalva traveled

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Report of the Texas Boundary 27

along the coast of the Province of Panuca from San Juan de Ulua
up to what is now called Tamaulipas or Province of New Santander;
he passed the Bravo or North River and called all this region New
Spain. {Fasti novi orbis.)

In the year 1520 Captain Lucas Vasquez de Allon traveled
along the coast of Texas or New Philippines and explored the mouth
of the Mississippi, which he called Mud Cape. He crossed by land
the Province of Texas, explored the Sabine or Mexican River with his
troops and was killed in a fight with the Indians in the year 1524
at the 30th degree of latitude. According to the book 'Fasti novi
orbis' and that of M. Lafont, all these chiefs led their expeditions by
order of the Spanish Government.

In the year 1523, and by order of Francis the First, King of
France, Juan Verasani sailed along the eastern coast of Florida and
penetrated up to the 50th degree through territory now owned by the
Anglo-Americans.

In 1528 the Spaniard, Panfilo de Narvaez, entered western
Florida and established himself cm the 5th of June in a place now
called Apalaches in 30th degree of latitude. {Fasti novi orbis.)

Panfilo de Masiunes entered Florida in the same year and place
as de Narvaez, both acting under orders of their Government.

In 1537 Panfilo de Narvaez again entered Florida. His expedi-
tion was imfortimate however, only foxir men surviving. These
were called Alvaro Nxmez Cabeza de Vaca, Andres Dorantes, Alonso
del Castillo and a negro called Estebanico. These survivors seeing
the armada lost, their companions dead, determined to push on to
Panuca and from there to Mexico. They crossed a great many
regions, saw various nations of Indians, who guided them from one
place to another as far as Culiacan in Sonora, passing through
Louisiana, Texas, and the Province of Coahuila, etc.,' etc. (See
Garcilazo de la Vega.)

In 1539 the Spanish Franciscan Monk, Marcos de Nisa, traveled
through the kingdom of Cibula, which, : o I have been informed, is
situated west of the region now called New Mexico. He explored
all that region as far as the Mississippi. This exp^ition of Marcos
de Nisa caused several others to be sent out afterwards. {Fasti Novi
Orbis.)

In 1539 the Spanish Captain Fernando de Soto, Governor of
Havana, entered Florida the 12th of May, explored all the Province
on both sides of the Mississippi up to the 34th degree; he traveled
as far as the Red or Cadaudachos or Nachitoches or Palisades River,
which is in the same degree, and whilst traveling down this river and
fighting with the Indians was killed in the year 1541 at a place

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28 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

between the above named river and the Mississippi fronting what is
now Rosavellon or Natchez; his companions, headed by Luis Marcos
Alvarado, a Spaniard, retreated down the Mississippi near the
Mexican coast, which territory they penetrated several times. The
referred to Captain Fernando de Soto entered the above regions
imder orders of the Spanish Government with 1000 men, only 300
of whom survived. In order not to confuse history and know the
mistakes of the French, please note that deSoto called the Missis-
sippi Rio Grande, a name subsequently given to the Bravo or North
River. {Garcilazo de la Vega,)

In the year 1540, and acting imder orders of the Viceroy don
Antonio Mendoza, Captain Francisco Vasquez Camero entered
California, searched for the Kingdom of Quivira, which I am informed
lies west of New Mexico, crossed that of Cibula, which, as already
stated, is west of the said Province. (Fasti Novi Orbis.)

In 1562 the French, imder Juan de Rivaud, entered southern
Florida and penetrated the coimtry sixty leagues to the north.

. In 1582, and acting imder orders of their Government, Captain
Espejo and the Franciscan Monk, Father Augustin Ruiz, both
Spaniards, entered New Mexico after having explored various re-
gions on both sides of the river. (Fasti Norn Orvis,)

In 1583 Ricardo Granville, a Frenchman, entered southern
Florida.

In 1596, by order of Philip II, contained in his transcript to the
Viceroy of Mexico, Zuniga de Acevedo, Count of Monterrey, Juan
Onate, accompanied by various priests, entered New Mexico; after-
wards in the time of Philip III don Diego Vargas Zapata, Marquis
of Nava, entered the Province for the purpose of reconquering it. In
this and various other expeditions our people penetrated up to the
46th degree on the Bravo or North River. Never had the French
arrived this far, nor had they ever visited the mouth of the river on
the Mexican Coast, although they assert having arrived at this point,
because in former years, during the exploration of Louisiana they
visited an arm of the Mississippi, distant about 50 leagues from the
real mouth of said river, which they erroneously called Bravo or North
River, mistaking it for the real river, which is very far away on the
same coast, and also because they had not read very well what is
written in the Spanish books. Since then many new settlements
have been founded in New Mexico by the Spaniards, which were
formerly called New Granada.

In this region resides the Theguas, and in Theguaya the first
mission was founded in 1608, and at the time more than eighty
souls were baptized. (See Torquemada, Indian Monarchy — Vol.1,

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Report of the Texas Boundary 29

book 5, chap. 26 and following). Please note here that the inhabi-
tants of New Mexico have always extended themselves since its foun-
dation, 'eastward, traversing many coimtri.es very near the Missis-
sippi. Hence I do not see with what authority the King of England,
who must have been Charles II, gave to the settlers and inhabitants
of the Carolinas, which are in the 35th degree in the Anglo-American
States, all the lands from the eastern coast down to the southern
seas, inasmuch as the Provinces of Texas and New Mexico had al-
ready been foimded. Thus was it related to me by various Anglo-
Americans when I visited those countries in the year 1803.

In 1611 the referred to Captain Juan de Onate set out from New
Mexico, eastward, discovered the Canibaros Lakes, whoever knows
which these may be, as also a Red River which appears to be the
Cadaudachos or Palisade; from here comes the certain rights of the
Spaniards to all the lands east of New Mexico, besides those already
expressed, and for this reason I judge well placed my dividing line
mentioned before between this coimtry and tiiat of Louisiana.

In 1630 his Excellency, the Viceroy Marquis de Cerralvo,
commissioned don Hernando de Leon to discover the northern coast,
reported this order to Madrid, where no instructions were issued.
(This appears in the report P. I. No. 15, page, 19 No. 170, of the year
1778, in those archives). The said Hernando de Leon traveled more
than 276 leagues from south to northeast up to the Red or Palisade
River; where the French afterwards foimded Nachitoches.

In the year 1664, the French did not yet know the Mississippi
nor its western shores, and at this time iJiey foimded the Caroli
Fort in Pensacola.

In 1671, through a contingency, the Capuchin Monk Annepin
set out from Canada and arrived on the shores of the Mississippi at
the 36th degree of latitude.

In 1673 the Jesuit Marquette set out from Canada, discovered
various rivers, including the Arkansas, which is west of the Mis-
sissippi and which flows into the last named river at the 34th degree
of latitude.

On the 18th of November, 1678, the Chevalier Robert de La
Salle (together with Father Hennepin) Governor of Canada, received
an order to make new discoveries

In 1679, the same Robert de LaSalle, accompanied by Father
Annepin, set out from Canada and visited the Mississippi at the
same degree of latitude mentioned above. They built a fort which
they called Fort Saint Anthony; they explored the western shores of
the Saint Francis River, and the first fort built by the French on the

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Mississippi was erected by them at a point now called Black Islands,
and its capital Santa Genoveva.

In 1682 the same Robert de LaSalle traveled down the Mis-
sissippi to its mouth which he explored on the 2nd of February of
the same year.

In 1684 the referred to Robert de LaSalle returned to Quebec
in Canada; and after obtaining all he wished, plus four small ships
sailed for the Mississippi on July 4th.

In 1685 his expedition came to grief; he lost three ships on the
shores of the Island of Santo Domingo; he could not ^locate the
mouth of the Mississippi, and took refuge on the coast of Saint
Bernard in February of the same year, stopping at an island called
Culebra.

In 1687, after having erected a wooden fort in the aforesaid
bay, Robert de LaSalle was killed by a Mr. Duhan and all of his
people rebelled against him. This is the only evidence that the
French have for alleging that all Texas is theirs. But this claim is
without valid foimdation, for Robert de LaSalle arrived on those
shores accidentally and without a legitimate commission. All of his
companions were killed by the Indians of the coast. These spared
only one little French girl and two little French boys called Talon
and Mimi, all of whom were afterwards taken from the Indians by
the Spanish troops, who presented them to the Viceroy and Vicereine.

In 1688 a few Indians reported to Father Fray Damian Mazanet,
a Missionary of the Holy Cross of Queratero in the Mission of San-
tiago in the Department of Coahuila, that some Frenchmen were
settling in the bay of the Holy Spirit, on the Coast of Saint Bernard
about 150 leagues to the east. Father Mazanet reported back to the
Governor don Alfonso de Leon, who by order of the Viceroy of Mexico,
the Count of Galvez, set out to expel these settlers. He found on
arriving at the spot mentioned that all the Indians had said was true;
but that they had killed all the Frenchmen and destroyed their fort.
(See Padre Espinosa in The Chronicle of the Colleges). During this
expedition the Texas Indians asked the Spaniards to people their
lands, which lie west of the Trinidad or River of Flowers or Mag-
dalena River, as it is sometimes called, which request was subse-
quently granted.

In 1690, March the 27th, don Alfonso de Leon, Governor of
Coahuila, headed a second expedition into Texas. On the 26th of
April they explored the Bay of the Holy Spirit; they found there the
artillery brought by Robert de LaSalle and they finished the de-
struction of his fort. The troops navigated the San Marcos, Guada-
upe or River of Flowers, the San Antonio of Bejar, the Red or Cane

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River, the Brazos de Dios, the Santa Teresa or Barroso, the Trinidad
or River of Flowers or Magdalena Rivers and arrived at the Netches
River, in the 31st degree of latitifde and the 282nd degree 30 minutes
of longitude from the Peak of Tenerife. On the 25th of May the
first Mass was said in those regions. The Texas Indians swore
obedience to his Majesty Charles the Second, King of Spain. The
Miss onaries were' placed in charge of the first mission founded in
Texas, which was called the Mission of San Francisco. The troops,
after leaving four priests and a few soldiers in charge, returned to
Monclova, capital of the Province of Coahuila, where they arrived
in the middle of July of the same year. {Chronicle of the Colleges,
page 409.)

In the same year, 1690, the Mission of Jesus, Mary and Joseph
was foimded in that region. I do not mention the missions foimded
in Coahuila, New Kingdom of Leon, Santander or Tamaulipas, for
this is not necessary, as they were foimded at various times and a
great many years before.

In the year 1691 the Council of War held in Mexico decided
to send a new expedition into Texas under conunand of don Domingo
Teran, Governor of Coahuila. The new expedition set out and es-
tablished its first camp on the banks of the San Marcos River, which
river enters the Guadalupe from the east at the 30th degree of lati-
tude. From there the Governor set out to again explore the Bay of
the Holy Spirit. On the 26th of October a jimction was effected
with the troops the Viceroy had sent by sea, and the expedition
progressed almost up to the Fort of Mataforda. After taking the
cannons left by Robert de LaSalle at the Arroyo de la Baca, which
enters the lagoons at the 28th degree and 40 minutes latitude, and
280th degree and 10 minutes longitude, they proceeded to the Red
or Cadaudachos or Palisade River. On the 30th of November
soiindings were taken of this river for a distance of three leagues in
the Indian canoes at about the 32nd degree of latitude. Thus was
it seen that the missions founded before were distant about 56 Span-
ish leagues due west, and the troops repaired thereto. (See Chronicle
of the Colleges.)

In the year 1692, about the beginning of February, the troops
returned to the province of Coahuila.

In 1693 the settlers of the missions along the frontier became
frightened because of a false rumor that the French in the Provinces
of Mobile and Florida, all east of the Mississippi, were about to in-
vade Texas or New Philippines. During the month of October all
the missionaries and settlers withdrew to the missions afterwards
called Bejar, on the San Antonio or Deep River at the 30th degree

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of latitude. The fears of the missionaries and settlers were ground-
less, as the French were about 200 Spanish leagues away to the east
southeast. (See Chronicles of the Colleges.)

In 1697 Iberville, a Canadian gentleman, sailed from Rochefort
with two ships to explore the Mississippi.

In 1698 he succeeded in his endeavors, brought families from
Canada, and established them about 15 leagues from "la Baliza del
Mississippi" on the right bank of the river at Fort Bourbon, facing
Plaquemine. (M. Laffoilt.)

On the 23rd of October, 1700, his Majesty Philip IV, King of
Spain, was informed of the foundation of the Mission of the Holy
Cross of Queratero, and of the necessity of founding new missions
along the San Marcos and Guadalupe rivers, to which he acceded
in four transcripts, — one directed to the Viceroy of Mexico Senor
Valladares, one to the Bishop of Guadalajara under whose jurisdiction
these regions were; one to the Governor of the Province of Coahulia,
and another to the Governor of New Leon, all in favor of the mission-
aries. (See Chroncicles of the Colleges.)

In 1701, we must here note that as yet the French were not in
possession of one inch of territory in the Province of Texas or New
Philippines, nor had they approached any of its frontier.

In the same year, 1701, the Jesuit Father Francisco Kino,
traveled the Colorado (or Red) River that flows into the sea of
California. I mention this so as to avoid confusing the said river
with the other Colorado (Red) Rivers that are in the Province of
Texas.

In 1702 new French colonists entered Mobile.

In 1703 they erected Fort Louis.

In the same year, 1703, the King of Spain was petitioned to
found the College of Our Lady of Guadalupe of Zacatecas, for the
reason that it was well situated so that its sons could found new
missions in the Province of Texas.

In 1704, the 27th of January, a royal transcript was issued to
that effect ; said transcript arrived in 1706, and on the 12th of January,
1707, the Rev. Father Marjil, foimder and first President of the
College, took possession of his office.

In 1709, by order of the Viceroy of Mexico, the D\ike of Al-
buquerque, another expedition set out from Coahuila to visit the
Province of Texas, and said expedition traveled up to the Trinidad
River, or River of Flowers, or Magdalena River, at the 31st degree
of latitude. (See Chronicle of the Colleges.)

In 1711 the French occupied Dolfin Island, and in 1712 both
the Spanish and French settlers fixed the frontiers of these eastern

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Provinces, and the King of France made a royal grant of lands and
privileges in favor of Mr. Croisat, which certainly the said Monarch
had no right to do, as these lands were not his to give. (See Mr.
Laffont.)

In the year 1714 Father Hildago wrote to the French in Louisiana
asking them to pacify the nations of Indians by force of arms, and in
answer to this invitation three of them penetrated as far as the
Mission San Juan Bautista, situated on the Northern Bravo River.
The Government did not admit them, but on the contrary sent
them under arrest to the Viceroy, to whom they declared that they
had come to buy cattle, and Father Hidalgo was reprimanded by the
Government of Mexico. .

In 1716, inasmuch as the French from Mobile had penetrated
as far as the Mission San Juan Bautista de Espana, which is sit-
uated at the 39th degree and 30 minutes on the Northern Bravo
River, the Viceroy, the Duke of Linares, ordered that the Province
of Texas should again be settled, which was done, the expedition
being headed by the Lieutenant of Coahuila, Don Domingo Ramon,
who entered in the referred to Province June 28th of the same year,
accompanied by the venerable Father Marjil. The old missions
founded in 1690 were re-established, and the following new ones
foimded: On the 7th of May that of the 'Turisima Concepcion";
on the 9th that of N. S. de Guadelupe de Nacogdoches, at the 31st
degree and 30 minutes, and July 10th that of San Jose near the others;
and the Viceroy ordered that a garrison of 25 soldiers should be left
for their custody.

In 1717, in the month of January, the venerable Father Marjil
foimded the Mission of N. S. de los Dolores de los Aix, or Asies
Indians, on the small river of that name, and about 16 leagues to the
east of that of Nacogdoches. In February of the same year the
venerable Father visited the Yatase Indians, who were situated on
the Red or Palisade River at the 33rd degree. In March the vener-
able Father foimded the Mission of Saint Michael in the Creek of the
Adaiz or Adaises Indians, 7 leagues west of the Red or de los Cadauda-
chos or Palisade River at the 32nd degree. In the same year, by order
of the Viceroy, Marquis de Valero, the venerable Father Marjil
explored the western shores of the above named river at a place now
called Natchitoches. In this voyage he encoimtered no opposition
whatever, as the French had not yet made their appearance in those
regions. About this time the Viceroy issued an order that all the
regions were to pass imder the control of the Governor of Monclova,
capital of the Province of Coahuila, Sergeant-Major Don Martin de

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Alarcon, and that missions, settlements, and fortresses should be
established without delay. (See Chronicle of the Colleges.)

In the same year, 1717, September 6th, a Frenchman named
Low, organized the West Indies Company, which company, fearing
the advance of the Spaniards through Texas, ordered the creation
of the Natchitoches fort on the eastern bank of the Red or de los
Cadaudachos or Palisade River at the 32nd degree, directly facing
the actual town of that name (Mr. Laffont), the river being recog-
nized as the boimdary by both the Spaniards and French, so the last
claim; and I have been told by the old settlers that if a Frenchman
transgressed the law and crossed the river to the western shores he
was not followed, out of respect for Spanish territory. In the same
year the mission of San Antonio de Valero was foimded on the east-
em bank of the Deep or San Antonio River at the 30th degree of
latitude. (See Chronicle of the Colleges.)

In 1718 the people began to call the Province of Texas New
Philippines, in honor of Phillip V, King of Spain and these Indies.
The Governor of Coahuila and Texas, Don Martin de Alarcon,
visited the Bay of the Holy Spirit, the interior of the Province of
Texas up to the frontier, the Red or Colorado River (Palisade) etc.
He left a few soldiers in the Adaix Mission, and so appears in our
Chronicle, Bejar began to assume the importance of a garrison, for
50 soldiers and their captain were left at that place.

In the same year, 1718, the French, with a few poverty stricken
people, founded New Orleans, and in this same year, 1718, the Mission
of San Francisco de Solano was transferred from the margins of the
Northern Rio Grande to that of San Antonio de Bejar.

In 1719 news was received through Louisiana at Fort Nachitoches
on the frontier, that France and Spain were at war and the French
Commandant of Nachitoches, with his few miserable soldiers, at-
tacked the Spanish Mission of Adaix, 7 leagues west of Nachitoches.
He encoimtered no resistance, as the people of the mission fled, be-
lieving that they were going to be attacked by a large force. The
French sacked the sacred ornaments and vases, took as prisoners a
lay priest, one soldier, and all the chickens they could find. The
news of this feat of arms traveled very fast and all the inhabitants
of the missions foimded in previous years fled to that of Vejar, 200
leagues west.

In the same year, 1719, the Mission and Fortress of The Holy
Spirit was establidied at the mouth of the before mentioned Arroyo
de la Baca.

In the same year, 1719, Mr. Viron, a Frenchman, traveled up
the Arkansas River as far as the 35th degree, where reside the Pa-

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Report of the Texas Boundary 35

douca nation of Indians. This river enters the Mississippi at the
33rd degree and 30 minutes. (Mr. Laffont.)

In 1720 the French founded Natchez on the eastern shore of the
Mississippi. (Mr. Laffont.)

In the same year, 1720, the venerable Father Marjil founded
the San Jose Mission on the San Antonio de Bejar River, 3 leagues
to the southwest of the said river, and that of N. S. de Guadalupe in
the Bay of the Holy Spirit, then known as Arroyo de Baca.

In 1721 the Marquis of San Miguel de Agnayo was named
Governor of these regions. He arrived at the fortress on the San
Antonio River in March, and reached the missions on the frontiers
of Texas with his troops July 28th. These missions were re-peopled
as far as that of Adaix, and at a short distance a fortress of the same
name was erected. One himdred soldiers were left as a garrison, a
church was built, dedicated to N. S. del Pilar; he traveled 7 leagues
to the east up to the margin of the Red or Palisade River, where he
observed that the French had not yet crossed this part of the said
river. (So say our Chronicles and the Voyages of the Marquis.)
According to ancient tradition repeated by the old people of the
cotmtry, the Marquis de Aguayo left soldiers on the right bank of the
river to protect it. These fortified themselves on a hill called Spanish
Port, where Mass was said for both the French and Spaniards by the
Spanish missionaries. In the meantime the Marquis returned to
Coahuila. (See our Chronicles.)

In 1722 the French made New Orleans a town and established
therein. the Capital of Louisiana. The following year the Governor
removed his quarters there. Immediately they destroyed Fort
Yazou. About this time, and at the request of the Texas Missionaries,
an investigation was begim about the lack of protection afforded the
missions in the preceding years. The Missionaries were absolved
from blame and the record is preserved in the College of the Holy
Cross of Queratero.

In 1724 Sandoval, the Spanish Governor of Adaix, and the
French Commandant of Nachitoches, both acting without authority
of the governments, fixed as boundaries the Arroyo Hondo or de la
Montana, 3 leagues west of the before mentioned Red or de los
Cadaudochos River at the 32nd degree, and for this reason the French
crossed to the western bank of the river, erected a small fort which
up to the beginning of last century still preserved its name, as I will
relate in my last notes.

In the year 1727 the Brigadier don Pedro Rivero visited the
Province of Texas, removed the fort situated in the center of its
missions, reduced the force stationed in the fort on the frontier

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36 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

called Adaix, by forty men, and moved the fortress from the Bay
of the Holy Spirit with its mission to the Guadalupe River or River
of Flowers.

In 1730 the French settled on the shores of the Palisade or
Cadaudachos or Red River, on its eastern shores at the 33rd degree.
They established there a miserable trading fort with only six soldiers
and two small swivel gims six inches long to frighten the Indians,
one of which I saw myself a few years back in Nacogdoches.

In the same year, 1730, the Missions of La Conception, San Jose
and San Francisco were removed to the San Antonio River near the
fortress that already existed there, little more than 150 leagues to the
west of their former situation and at the 30th degree.

In the same year, 1730, the town of San Fernando was foimded
near the fortress of Bejar, for which purpose 15 families were brought
from the Canary Islands at a cost of 720 pesos for their transporta-
tion. Besides these, a great many people were brought there by force
from the various prisons of these Provinces.

In 1748 The Saint Xavier Missions were founded on the river
of the same name, which flows from the westward into the Santa
Teresa or Borzoso River at the 31st degree and a few minutes. The
missions of San Idelfonso and Candelaria were also foimded there-
abouts. By superior orders a few soldiers were left in Saint Xavier;
the missions were attacked by the Indians and abandoned. (Father
Arredvita.)

In 1749 the garrison and Mission near the bay of the Holy Spirit
were removed to the San Antonio de Bejar or Deep River, 40 leagues
southeast of Bejar and 18 leagues from where the river flows into the
lagoons that empty into the Mexican Gulf. The Mission was after-
wards known as the Mission of the Holy Spirit.

In 1754 the Rosario Mission was foimded, near to, but west of,
the fortifications of the bay of the Holy Spirit.

In 1756 the Fort Orcoquiza, or de Lampe. was erected and the
mission of N. S. de la Luz foimded on the Trinidad, or River of Flow-
ers, or Magdalena River, near its mouth at the 29th degree and 30
minutes latitude.

In 1757 Col. Diego Ortiz de Parilla foimded the fortress and
mission of San Sab?i and San Lorenzo at the 33rd degree, on the
eastern shores of the Red River that is situated in the center of Texas,
which is called Espiritu Santo, or Canas, or San Bernardo. (Father
Arredvita.)

In 1762, on the 3rd of November, France sells the Province of
Louisiana to Spain, after having concluded peace. The Versailles

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Report of the Texas Boundary 37

Cabinet advises the Powers of the said transfer April 21, 1764, and in
1765 the orders of the French Monarch reach New Orleans.

In 1764 Father Calaorra of this College of Guadalupe, enters
the Red or de los Cadaudachos or Palisade River, at the 33rd degree,
30 minutes of latitude, to the north of Nacogdoches, invited thereto
by the Tahuacanas and Tahuayaces Nations of Indians; he visited
many ranchos and was requested to foimd a mission.

In 1767, the then Inspector of the Province of Texas, Marquis
de Rubi, ordered that the mission and fortress of San Saba be aban-
doned. (Father Arrecivita.)

In 1768, Sr. Ulloa takes possession of the Province of Louisiana
in the name of the Spanish Government; on July 25, 1769, Sr. Orreli
is appointed Governor. Please note that up to this time the French
had scrupulously respected the boimdaries mentioned by me in the
beginning.

In a royal transcript dated December 10, 1770, the King of
Spain abolishes the mission and fortresses of Aises and Orroquiza,
for as Louisiana now belonged to Spain there was no further necessi-
ty of guarding these places; a short while after all the soldiers, set-
tlers and Indians living there removed to the Capital of Bejar.

In 1775 some of the inhabitants of Adaix obtained permission
to settle on the Trinidad, or River of Flowers, or Magdalena River,
which they did. Subsequently, their settlement was flooded and they
passed on to the old settlement of Nacogdoches at the 31st and a
half degrees, and 40 leagues east, where they remained up to the last
few years.

In 1791 the Refugio mission was founded 10 leagues south of the
Bay of the Holy Spirit.

In 1799 an American called Nolan, who had come there to gather
horses, was expelled from the shores of the Trinidad or River of
Flowers or Magdalena River, at the 33rd degree, by Captain Don
Miguel Musquiz, because he was in Spanish territory without a
license.

In 1799 the Spaniards still maintained the old outposts to pre-
vent smuggling through Louisiana. The soldiers were stationed on
the Aloyas River, 10 leagues east of Nacogdoches, on the Sabines
or Mexican River, in a line with, but at a distance of 16 leagues from
those just mentioned places, and yet another detachment was sta-
tioned at Vallapier or Valluco de los Piedras, about 20 leagues north-
west, on the Red, or de los Cadaudachos or Palisade River.

On the 30th of April, 1800, the French and Spanish Cabinets
open negotiations for receding Louisiana to France.

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On April 30, 1802, France sold Louisiana to the Anglo-American
United States.

On the 20th of December, 1803, France delivered New Orleans
to the United States, and from time to time all the other points up
the Mississippi.

In 1803 the Governor of Texas placed a detachment of soldiers
in Alarcosito, on the Trinidad, or River of Flowers, or Magdalena
River, where formerly existed the Spanish fortress of Arroquiza.

In 1804, in the month of April, Nachitoches was delivered over
to the United States, and the Anglo-Americans built a wooden fort
there, which exists to this day.

In January, 1805, the Marquis of Casa Calvo visited Nacog-
doches with his engineers to examine the boundaries. He proceeded
as far as the Calcuchue River, which flows into the Gulf of Mexico
to the east of the Sabine River.

In the month of April, 1805, the Bishop of Monterrey, while
traveling through his diocese, visited Nacogdoches and west up as
far as the frontier of the United States, and then returned home.

In January 1805 Sr. Cordero, Commandant General of Texas,
established the town of Salcedo, on the eastern shore of the Trinidad,
or River of Flowers, or Magdalena River, facing the place where in
1775 the former inhabitants of Adaix or Adaises, had settled at the
31st degree and a few minutes.

In the same year, 1805, a detachment of soldiers sent by Sr.
Salcedo to occupy the place where the former inhabitants of Adaix
or Adaises had settled, were expelled by American troops.

In 1806, the 29th of July, the Adjutant Inspector Don Francisco
Viana expelled a troop of Americans who were entering to explore
the lands along the Red or Palisade or de los Cadaudchos River, at
the 33rd degree and 30 minutes of latitude.

In 1806 the Spanish and American forces established their
camp on either shores of the Sabines or Mexican River, the Spaniards
imder command of Sres. Cordero and Herrera, and the Americans
imder command of General Wilkinson. In order to avoid hostilities
these chiefs agreed that the Americans were not to cross Arroyo
Hondo, whilst the Spaniards would refrain from crossing the Sabines
River imtil their respective governments should come to an agree-
ment.

In March 1813, Sr. Gutierrez took command of the Spanish
and Anglo-American troops at the fortress situated in the Bay of the
Holy Spirit, to fight for the cause of independence against the Royal-
ists Commanders Brigadier Herrera and Col. Salcedo. These re-
treated to Bejar, and surrendered there on the 2nd of April.

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Report of the Texas Boundary 39

On the 18th of August, 1813, General Gutierrez was routed by
the Royalists General Arredondo a few leagues away from Bejar.
General Elisondo pursued the fugitives up to Salcedo, a town founded
a few years before on the Trinidad, or River of Flowers, oi Magda-
lena River, and the news traveled to Nacogdoches, 40 leagues to the
eastward, and all the inhabitants fled to the United States for protection
stopping at the former settlement of Adaix or Adaises, 7 leagues this
side of Nachitoches, where they have remained to this day.

NOTE: From all the foregoing may be deducted our just and
unalterable possession of all the Province of Texas in accordance
with the boundaries mentioned by me at the beginning of this paper.

No accoimt must be taken of the inexact assertions of the French
contained in their books, and much less of the statements contained
in a pamphlet printed in Havana at the beginning of this century,
which at the time created a great sensation, and which entitled:
"La Aurora, Limits and Extension of Louisiana, extracted from a
manuscript referring to the said Province, written by a military
gentlemen who was stationed on the Mississippi since the spring of
1803," for I repeat that the said pamphlet is full of lies from beginning
to end.

JUSTIFICATIVE DOCUMENTS
That are in the office of the Mhiister. of Justice and Eccle-
siastical Affairs in Mexico, and others that
are cited heiein«

In the records entitled ''Inspection of Fortresses,'' book 11, page
16, appear the instructions given to the Marquis de Rubi by the
Viceroy Marquis de Crullas, under date of the 10th of March, 1766,
which among other things say: Inasmuch as the fortresses of Adaix,
in the Province of Texas, and that of Nachitoches are at a short
distance one from the other, please report if, in your opinion, one of
these could be advantageously removed to another place, in the
event that the territory of Louisiana should pass imder the dominion
of his Catholic Majesty." To which I add that the government,
fortresses and missions were removed to San Antonio de Bejar.

Again in the same book, page 22, we find the said Viceroy's
instructions, dated September 18, 1766, to the Marquis de Rubi,
with regard to the Tahuayos Nation.

Page 1 of said book contains the Viceroy's order to the Govern-
or of the Province and Captain of his company; on page 4 are the

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Marquis de Rubi's order to the same Governor giving him charge
as captain of Adaix, and pages 4 and 8 it is recorded that Governor
Martos went through the regular formalities with his predecessor,
Don Benito Barrios.

Other records on page 9, written by the Marquis de Rubi, show
that the Viceroy, having recalled Governor Martos, Hugo O'Connor
was appointed captain of the company and Governor of Texas.

Baron de Riperda says in his correspondence dated in Bejar
the 28th of April, 1772, as appears in record 41 of the viceregal index,
page 2: "If such is found necessary, I shall advance the lines of
fortresses from the Mississippi up to New Mexico," etc.

On page 27 he says: "Don Luis de Sandenis is now within the
confines of the Province of Texas, District of Nachitoches in Louis-
iana."

The same record, page 83, proves the Adaix to have belonged to
Texas or Spain, for the Viceroy says that although since the creation
of the fortress of Adaix his Majesty has maintained four missions
there, no Indians had been converted. This, however, is not true,
as may be seen from the records of the missions.

On pages 107 and 108, Article 1st of the Regulations, may be
seen the transcript of his Majesty imder date of the 10th of Decem-
ber, 1772, in which he speaks of abolishing the Missions and in Article
5th of abolishing the fortress of Adaix.

In the Judicial Proceedings instituted by the settlers of Adaix,
book 42 of the Viceregal- index, page 17, appears the certification of
Father Pedro Fuentes, saying that he has received two books of
records of the said missions, begim in 1716 the one, and in 1717 the
other, which show that the Missions of Nacogdoches and de los Aix
were part of the Province of Texas, or New Philippines.

The proceedings of the settlers of Adaix, soliciting that they be
allowed to remove to the Mission of Aix; record No. 1 in book 42 of
the viceregal index, relating to the foxmdation of the town of Bu-
careli; Nos. 5 and 6 of the same book referring to the abandonment
of the said town of Bucareli . , are convincing proof that the boundaries
of Texas extended to the limits I have mentioned before.

In the copy of the Order of the Marquis de Rubi, appearing on
page 42 of book 1, in which orders are given to evacuate Orraquiza
after the evacuation of San Saba has been effected.

In book 1 appears a conunimication from Sr. Croix, dated
November 19, 1781, and another on the last page, dated August 22,
1782, which says: '*In the announced meeting the points your Ex-
cellency covers in his report will be resolved."

On the last page of book 2 there is a Royal Order, dated February

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Report of the Texas Boundary 41

20, 1783, in which the King authorizes the establishment of a town
on the San Marcos River after peace is declared.

In book 7, pages 1 and 2, it is recorded that Don Luis Carlos de
Branc, Commandant at Nachitoches, informed the Governor of
Louisiana, Don E^teban Miro, that inasmuch as the Province of
Louisiana belonged to the King of Spain, the people of the region
should be permitted to extend their settlements up to the Sabines
or Mexican River, as the country they now occupied is rather small
for their requirements. This statement, however, is imtrue, as to the
north and south and east they disposed of vast territories still un-
settled; for this reason, and also to preserve as far as possible the
frontiers, the Governors of Texas never permitted the French of
Louisiana to extend themselves beyond their own frontiers. Gov-
ernor Miro, however, approved of this request, as may be seen on
pages.

On page 6 there appears a royal decree ordering a report from the
Viceroy of Mexico and which ends thus: "Nothing was done with
regard to extending the limits of Louisiana."

On pa^ 7 it is recorded that the then Commandant General
of all the interior Provinces, the Chevalier de la Croix, reconcen-
trated all the establishments of Texas to the fortress of Bejar, but
that dtiring the incumbency of Governor Don Domingo Cabello the
old order was re-established.

In the Royal Decrees dated the 3rd and 29th of November,
1785, the conclusion of this matter is foreseen, (page 9), and on page
31 is the Royal Decree dated September 21, 1793, ordering the Vice-
roy to take no further action with regard to the matter for the time
being.

Record 370, section 22, contains the report of Don Esteban
Miro, Governor of Louisiana, to Sr. Rangel, Governor of Texas, in
which he says: "I regret not being able to inform you with regard to
the boundaries of this Province with that of Texas, for the French
have only left in his office a plan of the Mississippi and of the estab-
lishments erected by them."

Book 1, page 170, contains the report of Sr. Cabello and a copy
of the record concerning reciprocal trading between Louisiana and
Texas, extension of the Province, etc., with a letter from Sr. Miro
to Sr. Rangel.

The fortress of Nachitoches was constructed in the time that
Don. Manuel Sandoval was Governor of Texas. This event having
come to the knowledge of the King, in a Royal decree dated July
15, 1740, he orders the Governor of Texas, Don Justo Barco, to
report back on the subject.

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42 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

The Crown's attorney, Don Pedro de Ullon, under date of the
28th of September, 1741, requests the then Governor of Texas, to
report upon the boundaries of his Province, and also that in Mexico
testimony should be taken from six competent witnesses, who all
declared that they had always recognized Nachitoches, on the
western bank of the de los Cadaudachos River, two leagues and a
half from Arroyo Hondo, as the limits of both Crowns. They added,
however, that they did not know that Governor Sandoval had on
his own initiative given a track of land to the French, which caused
them to cross the Red or de los Cadaudachos, or Palisade River, for
which reason Sandoval was brought imder arrest to Mexico.

A decree of the Viceroy Aoma, Marquis of Casafuerte, Gov-
ernor of Texas, dated July 1, 1730, ordering that two or three soldiers
should accompany the Texas Missionaries in their expedition to the
friendly Indians. The original exists in the archives of Bejar.

In the Coxmcil of War and Finance, celebrated in Mexico, the
21st and 22nd of January, 1754, presided by the Viceroy Sr. Orcasitos,
proofs were offered to show that the French of Nachitoches had
passed the French frontier into the Spanish lands of Texas. Sandoval
having been arrested, the Crown's Attorney asked the new Governor of
the Province to report on this subject, and if the matter as reported
was foxmd to be true, that he make the necessary political demands
on the Governor of Louisiana. All these instructions were followed
out, but affairs remained as they were, and after hearing the declara-
tions of more than twelve witnesses, there still remained a doubt as
to whether the boimdary was on the Arroyo Hondo or on the Red
River.

A royal transcript directed to Don Justo Barco y Morales,
Governor of Texas, orders him to report if the former Governor of
Texas, Don Manuel Sandoval had permitted the French of Nachi-
toches to construct a fortress on Spanish soil, etc. The documents
are preserved in the archives of Bejar. Later I was told by several
old Frenchmen residing in the region that such had been the case.

The copy of the record marked P. Y. No. 15, page 19, No. 170 of
1778, refers to the commerce carried on between Louisiana and
Texas, and the extension of the limits of the first mentioned Province
up to the Sabines River. In the latter part of the first volimie ap-
pears the report of the Governor of Texas, Sr. Cabello, which says:
that in 1730 (see the subsequent note) the Viceroy Marquis de
Toraldo orders that the Governor of the New Kingdam of Leon,
Sr. Hernando de Leon, should explore the northern sea coast. That
these orders were carried out and he explored and marked all the
coast as pertaining to Mexican territory in its eastern part; he also

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Report of the Texas Boundary 43

explored new territory for more than 276 leagues from south to north
from the Medina River up to the Red or Palisade River, on the
banks of which last the French afterwards founded Nachitoches,
and that he also traveled the same region from west to east.

NOTE: It is clearly an error to say that Hernando de Leon
was designated in 1730 to explore the northern coast; instead it should
be 1630, because the third paragraph says that as the Court of
Spain did not dictate orders relative to the matter, the Count of
Galvez commissioned Domingo Terran, in the year 1688, to visit the
Province of Texas, and it is clear that no report concerning Hernando
de Leon could have reached the Court before the Coxmt of Galvez
sent Domingo Terran to Texas in 1688. It is clear also, that it was in
1630, because the Marquis of Cerralvo was then Viceroy, not Tor-
raldo, for there never was a Viceroy of that name. Further Governor
Cabello says in his report: "That Hernando de Leon, having re-
turned to Monterrey, sent his diary to the Viceroy, the Marquis of
Cerraldo, and that his Excellency reported to the Court."

There is also an official communication in the archives of your
ofl&ce from the Cavalier de la Croix, dated September 23, 1778, contain-
ing a list of all the towns, missions and Indians in the Province of
Texas. He even adds thereto a few of the frontier nations who really
lived in Louisiana, all of which, it seems to me, I have read in the
history written by Father Talamantes in Mexico, and which by ac-
cident I foimd in a private house.

I beg of your Excellency to excuse any defects you may find
in this paper, for it is a long time, more than 20 years, that I studied
this question. I have forgotten a great deal, lost a great many
papers, and what I have left are a few very small notes.

May God keep your Excellency a great many years.

College of N. S. de Guadalupe the 30th of November, 1827.
Excmo. Sr.
Fr. JOSE MARIA de JESUS PUELLES.

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BERNARDO de GALVEZ
DIARY

OF THE OPERATIONS AGAINST PENSACOLA

Translated from a pamphlet belonging to

MR. CASPAR CUSACHS

New Orleans, La.

"C No. 1

DIARY

of the Operations of the Expedition Against the Place of

Pensacola, Concluded by the Arms of H. Catholic M.,

Under the Orders of the Field Marshall Don

Bernardo de Galvez.

The expedition which sailed from Havana the 16th of October,
1780, against Pensacola, having been frustrated by the hurricane,
its Commander Dn. Bernardo de Galvez, returned to the sailing
port, November 17th, with the sorrow of ignoring the whereabouts
of the ships of his escort, some of which dispersed by the storm, went
to Campeche, others to the Mississippi River, a few to other places,
and it is believed that one perished, for nothing is known of its fate.
After his arrival in Havana the referred to General reiterated his form-
er pretentions that the fort of Mobile be succored with provisions
and men, not only because it found itself very short of these, but also
because it threatened to be attacked. In view of his insistence, the
Coxmcil o^ Generals ordered that two ships be prepared capable of
transporting 500 men and some provisions, and this small convoy
made sail the 6th of December imder command of the Capitan of
frigate Dn. Joseph de Rada; notwithstanding that after a few days
navigation, he arrived safely at the mouth of the Mobile, he deter-
mined not to enter its bay on account having found (so he assured)
some variation in the chaimel, and he made sail directly for the
Baliza of the Mississippi River at the entrance of which he left the
convoy and returned to Havana.

This circumstance, that two English frigates had penetrated
the very Bay of Mobile five days after, and the news that the detach-

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DI ARIO

De las opfMciones de la expedicion contra la Plaza de
Parizacota co'ncHiida por las Armas dc, S. M. Catolica^
baxo las irdenis deiMariical de Campg D. Bernarda
de Galvei.

I^Rustrada por cl urac^n.Ia Exjpedtcion que t2\i6 de la Havana
contra Pan2ac6la ;eh 16 de OdubrQ de 1780, rcgres6, su Cpmap-
dantc Don Beirndrdo de Galvez al Puerto de la salid^^el 17. de
Novicnibre con el ^olor de igrtorar el paradero dc las embarca-
( Clones de su comhay, de las qudes dispersadas por el temporal,
.Unas fueron a parajr/i Campeche , otris.al rio Misisip/ , algunas
^i otras partes J y^fc cree baber. perccido una median^c no sabersc
$u suerte. Luego: que \k^6 i la Havana crreferido General- rei-
tero sus antiguas |>recen$iones de que se socdrriese el Fuerte de'la
Mobila con v{veres y tropas, asi .po.r hallarse escasisimo de aquc-
llos, como por estar ameaazado dc lin ataque. En -fuerza de s^.is
iostancias mandd la Junta deCenerales sc habilitasen los buqucs
correspondiciHes a\ transports tje 500 hombres, y alguna canti-
dad de comestibles^^ jr cste peqtieno.cfomboy se hizo a la vela en
6 de Diciembre al mando del Capitan de fragata Du Joseph de llada;
.pero sin embai^o que ^. ppcos dias de navegacion arrib6 fellz-
mcnte i:h. boca; de la* Mobila y no se determin6 i e*ntrar en su
bahfa por haber eqcontr^do ( stgun asegur6 ) alguna variacion
cp ^1 canal., y se hizo i la vela en derechura i laBalija del
rio Misisipfyi cuya entrada dex6 el coniboy y se restituyo i la
Havana.

Esta.clrcatisrancia , la de haber entrado dos fragatas Inglesas
en la . misma bih(a de la Mobila cinco dias despues » y la no*
ticia de haber sido atacado ^1 destacatnento del Village ,- movie-
jon SD. Bernardo dc Galve? i instar , para que ya que cl cs.-
tado de ias cosasno pcrmitiese renovar la expedicion desde la
Havana , jse le diesc alguna cropa con que reforzar lai guarniT.
ciones de la Luisiana y Mobila, y desde alli , si h^illase una ppor«
tuoidad fcliz,' empenar.para ua nuevo csfuerzo a lo^ habitancei

A 4c

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 47

ment of the village had been attacked, moved Dn. Bernardo de Gal-
vez to urge, that although the state of things did not permit a re-
newal of the expedition from Havana, some troops be given him with
which to reinforce the garrisons of Louisiana and Mobile and from
there, if a favorable opportxmity were found, pledge the inhabitants
of those regions to a further effort and fall on Pensacola, or if this
could not be, preserve more securely what had been conquered.
The idea having been approved by the Coimcil of Generals, it was
resolved to select 1315 men from the various regiments, including
five companies of grenadiers and to provide for the equipment of
vessels as transports, and designating as a guard for these, the ship
of war San Ramon, commanded by Dn. Joseph Calvo, the frigate
Sta. Clara, Capitan D. Miguel Alderete, the Sta. Cecilia, Capitan
D. Miguel de Goicochea, the tender Caiman, Capitan D. Joseph
Serrato, and the packet S. Gil, Capitan D. Joseph Maria Chacon,
all under the orders of the referred to General D. Bernardo de Galvez,
on his petition and by consent of the Coimcil, as will be seen by the
following commxmication sent by the General of Marine to the
Commander of Ship, D. Joseph Calvo.

'To the question contained in your paper of yesterday, that I
manifest to you the terms imder which you must go subordinated to
and obey the orders of the Field Marshall of the Royal Armies, D.
Bernardo de Galvez, I beg to advise that your honor shall put in
practice with all your well-known and notorious diligence those that
the expressed Don Bernardo shall give your Honor relative to the
conquest of Pensacola, without separating yourself in other things
from what the Royal Ordinances of the Armada provide, endeavor-
ing that the strictest discipline be observed in all the ships imder
your orders, as provided therein. May our Lord keep you many
years. Havana, 6th of February, 1781. Juan Bantista Bonet. Sr.
Dn. Joseph Calbo."

When all was ready on the part of the Army and the Navy, the
General embarked February 13th in spite of finding himself some-
what failing in health; the troops did the same on the 14th and on
the 28th in the morning the convoy sailed, so happily, that, by three
in the afternoon, the ships were all a great distance from the Port of
Havana. The General had previously sent Capitan D. Emiliano
Maxent in a schooner to New Orleans with orders to the Command-
ant of Arms, so that the troops that D. Joseph Rada had left and
those that had arrived on account of the October storm should set
out and meet the convoy, and to that end had already advised under
date of February 1st, that they find themselves ready to sail at the
first signal.

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48 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

On the first of March the General commissioned the sub-lieu-
teanant of the Regiment Spain, D. Miguel de Herrera, to go by
schooner to Mobile with letters for D. Joseph Espeleta, in which he
informs him of his intention of proceeding to the East of Santa
Rosa Island, fronting the Port of Pensacola, advising him to march
by land to form a imion with the troops of his command.

On the 4th at 9 in the morning, all the commanders of the war
vessels came aboard the commanding ship, and the General informed
them of his project of proceeding to the Island of Santa Rosa, disem-
barking thereon and attacking the battery the enemy had on Siguenza
Point, so as to facilitate the entry of our ships in the Port, without
the risk of passing through a cross fire, and there await the rein-
forcements from Louisiana and Mobile. All the officers of the Fleet
applauded this thought and some amongst them earnestly solicited
the honor of entering first. At 10 o'clock eleven vessels were sighted
to windward, which were chased imtil nightfall, and by their direc-
tion they seemed to be making Tortugas Sound, and were thought
to be a convoy of provisions that was expected from Vera Cruz.

On the 5th at 6 o'clock in the evening, the brig Galveztown
which had left Havana on the 2nd incorporated itself to the squadron.

On the 9th at 6 in the morning land was sighted and a little
while after it was recognized to be the Island of Santa Rosa; at eight
o'clock a few cannon shots were heard, from which was inferred the
proximity of the Port of Pensacola.

At 2 in the afternoon the General called to quarters and dis-
posed that all the troops find themselves ready to disembark that
night and that each soldier should carry three days ration; it being
well imderstood that the grenadiers and light infantry should be the
first to disembark, and that they should pass by the stem of the ship
S. Ramon, when two lights should appear thereon. At the hour of
Prayer the convoy came to anchor at a distance of one cannon shot
from shore and three leagues to windward from the mouth of the
Port.

At eight o'clock at night the signal was placed on the commanding
ship so that the boats with troops should gather there, and the
General having placed himself at their head, the landing was effected
with some misgivings, but without the least opposition. He gave
his orders to Colonel D. Francisco Longoria to take up the march
with the grenadiers and light infantry and returned to the ship to
hasten the final disembarking, so that by 3 o'clock in the morning
of the 10th all the troops were marching in colimm formations by the
sea on the shore of the referred to Island.

The first landing party arrived at Siguenza Point at half past

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 49

past five in the monring, where they did not find the Fort they
thought was there, but only three dismoiinted cannons and a partly
demolished breastwork of fascines that the enemy not knowing how
to utilize, had abandoned. A while later two boats with seven men
were seen to come landwards near that part, and the light infantry
made these prisoners. The Fort that is on Barrancas-Coloradas,
opposite Siguenza and about 500 fathoms away and the two English
frigates anchored nearby, observed this, and began a lively fire on
our troops, without occasioning the slightest mishap, because the
land furnished several small hills that served as shelters, and, besides,
some earth was thrown up, for better protection.

The prisoners declared to the General that the place was well
provided with provisions and troops and that from day to day a
considerable re-inforcement was expected from Jaimaca.

On the 10th at 11 o'clock in the morning the convoy changed
anchorage nearer the port; that afternoon the General reconnoi-
tered several times that part of the Island facing the town for the
purpose of selecting a place suitable for the formation of a battery
that would damage and keep away the enemy frigates that can-
nonaded our Camp, and protect the entry of the convoy and squad-
ron, to which effect he ordered the landing of two cannons of 24, two
of 8, four of 4, and the corresponding ammimition and 150 campaign
tents for the troops.

On the 11th before the break of day the Commander of the
squadron ordered parties to soxmd the bar of the harbor, and a bat-
tery of two cannons of 24, in barbettes was mounted in front of the
Barrancas, and at three thirty began to play on one of the English
frigates that had set sail.

At that hour the squadron and convoy weighed anchor for the
purpose of entering the Port, and this having been seen by the
General he immediately embarked on the ship S. Ramon in order to
be in this operation and pass through the risk, but the petitions of its
Captain D. Joseph Calbo that he return to land were such that he
had to accede. A while after, all the convoy had gotten imder way
it was noticed that the ship S. Ramon had come about and returned
to its former anchorage with all the other vessels that followed it,
due tp the fact that on crossing the bar it touched bottom, so the
General was informed by the senior officer of the squadron.

All of the night was employed by the Commander of the ship
D. Joseph Calbo in lightening it, imtil it was left in condition to veri-
fy its entry, although then, the weather was not favorable to do this.

On the 12th the weather continued contrary, and the General
fearing that possibly if it became worse, the ships would not be able

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50 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

to maintain themselves in the open roadstead, and that if they were
compelled to put to sea the Camp would remain without provisions,
ordered that as much as possible be brought, in order to provide
against this contingency, and this order was executed with the great-
est celerity.

At eight o'clock in the morning the General repaired to the ex-
tremity of Point Siguenza to inspect some work being done there and at
two o'clock in the afternoon went on board of the S. Ramon to dis-
cuss the advisability of sending the frigates into the port at the head
of the convoy, and the ship should do so after, for if it again went
ashore, the other vessels would not be detained as on the preceeding
afternoon; but the naval officers having objected and pointed out
certain difficulties he returned to land, and wrote to the Conunander
of the S. Ramon stating how necessary it was to gain the channel at
once in order to avoid the risk of a storm, of the frequent ones on that
coast, which would force the convoy to separate itself and leave the
army abandoned; for which motive he advised him that he could
already coimt upon the aid of 6 cannons of 24, which had already
been emplaced on the point of the Island opposite that of the enemy.

Upon the advice received that same afternoon, that a few enemy
boats had crossed the canal that forms the Island of Santa Rosa
and separates it from the mainland, a force of grenadiers and light
infantry advanced towards the place to reconnoiter and cut off the
enemies' retreat if any disembarked. .

On the 13th the landing of provisions and supplies continued,
the General always fearing that the delays in forcing the port would
oblige the convoy to set sail on accoimt of the frequent and dreaded
southwesters. However, on the same day he received a letter from
the Commander of the sea forces in which he described the great
difficulties he found, even after having consulted with the officers
of his squadron, in risking the vessels xmder his command, for he
lacked the indispensable information regarding the depth of water
and direction of the channel; he had no pilots, and imderstood the
enemy fires could rake his ships fore and aft, without the possibility
of these being able to answer theirs to advantage.

At three in the afternoon he ordered his Aide de Camp, D.
Esteban Miro to proceed to Mobile with verbal instructions for
Colonel D. Joseph Ezpeleta, in order to combine a reciprocal imion
of troops with advantge on the enemy.

On the 14th the landing of provisions continued, although with
great difficulty on account of the surf and the General conunissioned
the Captain of the brig Galveztown, to sound the interior of the
harbor during the night so as to know exactly the depth of the water.

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 51

On the 15th the sea made it extremely difficult for the boats to
approach land, and with immense labor it was possible to disembark
some vegetables and salt meat which they brought.

At 2 o'clock in the afternoon an English storeship was discovered
under sail in the interior of the Port, which situated itself between the
two frigates and out of the range of our cannon. At the same hour
a battery of two cannons of 8 was placed near the one that had been
formed by two others of 24.

On the 16th at 8 o'clock in the morning there arrived from Mo-
bile the sloop commanded by the Lieutenant of frigate D. Juan Riano
with letters from Colonel Ezpeleta, in which he advised the General
that he was going to march with 900 men up to the shores of the
River "de los Perdidos*^ distant five leagues from Pensacola, and to
pass to the other shore he required that a few laxmches be sent to'
him. This officer, as soon as he arrived on the Coast, presented him-
self to the Commander of the Squadron, who upon learning his
mission sent the following communication to the General:

"Dear Sir: The moment D. Juan Riano informed me that the
army from Mobile found itself on the shores of the "los Perdidos"
River, I ordered that the armed laimches be provided with ten days
food, and in order that they shall lack for nothing, I have provided
to supply a few more from this ship."

" I will also order the Pio that draws less water, that it go and
cover this small expedition as close to land as possible, to free it from
any vessel that attempts to oppose it, as also to provide Sr. Ezpeleta
a few cannons and provisions if he should need them.

"I am of the opinion, if your honor desires to make use of it,
that the expedition start early, just after nightfall, so as not to draw
the attention of the enemies, for they may come out and make some
inconvenient opposition, but this matter you will do what appears
best to you." |

"I have elected to direct the launches, my second in command,
the Captain of Frigate, D. Andres Valderrma, and the first Lieuten-
ant of ship, D. Antonio Estrada, who carry pilots, a compass and a
pilot's mate. God keep your honor many years. On board the
ship S. Ramon, at anchor near the coast of the Island of Santa Rosa,
16th of March, 1781. Your most faithful servant kisses the hand of
your honor. — ^Joseph Calbo de Irazabal. — Sr. Bernardo Galvez."

The General's Reply.

"Dear Sir: All that you tell me in your commimication of today
regarding your dispositions to help the troops fromJ^Mobile appear to
me well, and I remain praying God to keep you many years. Camp

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52 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

of Santa Rosa, March 16th, 1781.— Bernardo de Galvez.— Sr. D.
Joseph Calvo."

On the 17th at 11 in the morning the sloop of the mentioned
Don Juan Riano situated itself at the entrance of the Harbor of
Pensacola, accompanied by the brig Galveztown and the two small
gunboats, at four o'clock in the afternoon, sub-lieutenant D. Miguel
Herrera arrived with letters from Colonel Ezpeleta to the General
advising him that he was marching with his troops to xmite himself
with him.

The General having recognized that there was too much delay
in deciding upon the entry of the squadron and convoy, and fearing
that a strong wind might compel it to make sail so as not to wreck
itself upon the shore, thus leaving the troops abandoned on the Island
without means of subsistance, determined to be the first one to
force the harbor, in the conviction that this last resort would stimu-
late the others to follow him; and in effect, on the afternoon of the
18th at half past two he embarked in an open boat to go on board
of the brig Galveztown that was anchored at the mouth of the har-
bor of Pensacola, and after having hoisted a broad penant, this ship
made the corresponding salute and set sail followed by two armed
launches and by the sloop commanded by Dn. Juan Riano, these
being the only vessels imder his private orders. The Barrancas
Fort fired as much as possible, particularly on the Galveztown, for
they could not ignore that the General was in it on account of the
ensign it flew; but, in spite of its efforts, the vessel entered the harbor
without the least harm notwithstanding the great number of bullets
that pierced sails and shrouds, and with the extraordianry applause
of the army, who with continuous cheers demonstrated to the General
its delight and loyalty to him.

Upon seeing this the squadron determined to make its entry
on the following day with the exception of the ship, S. Ramon, that
had been ballasted.

On the 19th at 2 in the afternoon the convoy set sail, preceeded
by the King's frigate, and it took an hour from the time the first
ships began to suffer from the extraordinary fire of Red-Cliff Fort on
the Barancas, until the last one foimd itself free from it, and, not*
withstanding the damage done to the ships, there were no personal
losses. Diuing this time the General went in his gig among the ships
in order to furnish them any help they might need.

At 5 o'clock the General determined to pass in a yawl to the river
"de los Perdidos" in order to acquaint Ezpeleta personally of his
intentions. For this purpose he embarked with his aides and went
out of the harbor stating that the same probability existed for going

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 53

as for coming in; but the contrary winds and the equally contrary
currents obliged him to return to the Camp at 11 o'clock at night.

On the 20th in the morning he conunissioned an officer to go to
Pensacola with a letter for General Campbell, couched in these
terms:

**Most Excellent, my dear sir: The English in Havana inti-
mated with threats that none of the ships or buildings of the King
and private parties be destroyed, burned or torn down under pain of
being treated with the utmost rigor. The same warning I give to your
Excellency and others whom it may concern with the same conditions.
God keep your Excellency many years. Camp of the Island of Sta.
Rosa, March 20, 1781. Most Excellent Sir. Your most attentive
servant kisses your Excellency's hands. — Bernardo de Galvez. —
Most Excellent Sir, — Juan Campbell."

In the afternoon the General went in a boat to examine the beach
opposite the harbor in order to select a suitable landing place for the
troops that had to operate.

At eight o'clock at night the enemies set fire to a Guard-house
situated on the beach where the General had made his examination
during the afternoon; upon seeing this he ordered that the sloop
commanded by Don Juan Riano and the armed laimch from the
Galveztown should approach land and fire with grape shot upon the
enemies who might be there.

Very early on the 21st an officer, commissioned therefor, arrived
from Pensacola and delivered to the General a letter from Campbell
couched in the following terms:

"Most Excellent sir: My dear sir: The threats of the enemy
who assail us are not considered imder any other aspect than as an arti-
fice or stratagem of war, which he makes use of to further his own
purpose. I trust that in my defense of Pensacola (seeing that I am
attacked) I will do nothing contrary to rules and customs of war;
few: I consider myself under obligations to your Excellency for your
frank intimation, although I assure you that my conduct will depend
rather on your own, in reply to the propositions Governor Chester
will send you tomorrow regarding prisoners, and mine relative to the
City of Pensacola, than upon your threats. In the meantime I remain
your Excellency's most obedient servant, John Campbell. Head-
quarters Pensacola, March 20, 1781. — Most Excellent sir, Bernardo
de Galvez."

At noon there arrived from Pensacola under a flag of truce one
of General Campbell's aides de camp with letters from the former
and Governor Chester to Sr. Galvez, and accompanied by Colonel

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54 The Louisiana Historical Qmrterly

Alexander Dickson, who remained a prisoner after the capture of
Baton Rouge and resided in Pensacola under parole.

Copy of General Campbell's Letter.

"My dear sir: Humanity dictating as far as possible the pre-
servation of innocent individuals from the cruelties and devasta-
tions of war, and it being evident that the garrison of Pensacola can-
not defend without the total destruction of the City, and therefore
the ruin of a great nimiber of its inhabitants; and desiring also to
preserve the city and garrison for the victor, to which I must ac-
quiesce in the hope that the palm of victory will fall upon the troops
that I have the honor to command, I have abandoned the garrison
of Pensacola; but knowing that the conservation of the city and its
buildings depends of your Excellency and myself, or (in other words)
that at the present moment it is within the power of both of us to
destroy them or no, I propose to your Excellency, that the mentioned
City and buildings be preserved entirely without malicious harm by
both parties during the seige of the Royal Marine redoubts. Fort
George and others adjacent thereto, where I propose to dispute the
conservation of western Florida to the British Crown, under the
following stipulations."

"That neither the City nor buildings of Pensacola, nor any part
or portion of it, will be occupied or employed by any of the parties,
to attack, preserve or defend themselves, nor for any other purpose
whatever, but that it shall be an asylimi for the sick, women and
children, who may remain there without malicious injuries, harm or
molestation on the part of the English, Spanish troops, or their allies."

"But in case this, my proposition, is not admitted by your
Excellency and that some portion of the City or its buildings are
occupied by troops under your orders, then it will be my obligation
to impede that it serve as a shelter or hiding place, by destroying
both, and if I saw myself compelled to take this cruel determination
your Excellency will be the only one responsible before God and man,
for the calamities and misfortunes that such an act would bring.
However, the experience we have of your conduct and sentiments,
removes the horror of such an idea, and promises me that you will
concur in the mentioned propositions. Headquarters, Pensacola,
March 21, 1781. Most Excellent sir. Your Most attentive servitor
kisses your Excellency's hand. — ^John Campbell. His Excellency
D. Bernardo de Galvez."

The General's Reply.

"Most Excellent Sir: My dear sir: My health not permitting

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Dtary of Bernardo de Galvez 55

me to reply to the letter which iinder this date your Excellency has
remitted to ne, I have requested Lieutenant Colonel Alexander
Dickson to inform you of my opinion, whilst tomorrow I shall do so in
writing. God keep your Excellency many years. Camp of Santa
Rosa, March 21st, 1781. Most Excellent Sir, Your most attentive
servant kisses your Excellency's hand. — Bernardo de Galvez. His
Excellency, D. Juan Campbell."

Letter From Governor Peter Chester.

**Most Excellent Sir: My dear sir: As we lack barracks within
our lines, for the acconunodation of the Spanish prisoners we have in
order not to expose their health and subject them to various hard-
ships, and stimulated by principal of humanity, I have determined
to propose to your Excellency, that they be set at liberty under their
word of honor, and on condition that your Excellency will bind him-
self that they shall not serve against H. Britannic M. nor any of his
allies, in any capacity whatever, either civil or military during the
present discussion or at any time until they be exchanged for other
subjects of Great Britain or her allies who may be prisoners. God
keep you many years. Most Excellent sir. Your attentive servant
kisses your Excellency's hand, — ^Peter Chester. Pensacola, March
21st, 1781. His Excellency D. Bemarda de Galvez."

Another From the Same Party.

"Most Excellent sir. My dear sir: As the protection and securi-
ty of women and children against the calamities of war have always
been looked upon by cultured nations as the primary object, I be-
lieve myself excused from taking other steps than informing you
that those depending on this City and surroimding coimtry will re-
main quietly in their homes, for which I trust that your generous
and humane sentiments will prompt you to give positive orders to the
troops and seamen belonging to Spain or in alliance with her, that
they shall not increase the misfortunes of these non-combatants,
their families and goods. God keep your Excellency many years.
Pensacola, March 21st, 1781. Most Excellent sir. Your attentive
servant kisses your Excellency's hand, — ^Peter Chester. His Excel-
lency Sr. D. Bernardo de Galvez."

The General's Reply.

"Most Excellent sir. My dear sir: I have received your Excel-
lency's two letters imder date of today, in which you make the pro-
positions that the prisoners of war be set at liberty and that the
women and children remain in the City of Pensacola, hoping your

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Excellency that on my part I will give the most rigorous orders to the
troops and sailors in the expedition under my command, that should
not cause them the least extortion.

"The co-incidence of finding myself a trifle ill deprives me of the
satisfaction of replying to your Excellency upon said particulars;
but I have, however, requested Lieutenant Colonel Dickson to ex-
plain to your Excellency my way of thinking imtil tomorrow when I
shall give you my reply in writing. God keep your Excellency many
years. Camp of Santa Rosa, 21 of March, 1781. Most Excellent
Sir, Your most attentive servant kisses your Excellency's hand, —
Bernardo de Galvez. His Excellency Peter Chester.**

At the time that the General wrote the mentioned letters, he
instructed Dickson as to his views regarding the propositions Camp-
bell and Chester had made to him, in order that he advise them until
the next morning when he would do so properly and in writing. At
three in the afternoon he ordered the grenadiers, who were encamped
on that part of the Island facing the harbor to form in battle array;
and that the other troops also opposite the harbor should nwe
upon a small hill that would make them visible,so that Lieutenant
Colonel Dickson could if he wished, inform General Campbell as to
the class and number of troops that he (Galvez) commanded. After
this the General embarked in his gig with Dickson and went on board
the frigate Sta. Clara to speak with General Campbell's aide de camp
who was on board by orders of the General; he went with both in the
gig until it appeared to him opportime to leave them go back to
Pensacola and he returned to the Camp near the hour of prayer.

During the night several houses near Fort Barancas were seen
to bum, and this procedure displeased the General greatly, forjto
avoid all conflagrations he had warned General Campbell, as is seen
in his letters.

On the 22nd at half past nine in the morning. Colonel Ezpeleta
was seen marching with his troops on the opposite shore insidetjie
harbor, the General going with 500 men, including the grenadiers
to re-inforce him, and thus allow Ezpeleta's troops to rest; and after
having communicated his orders to Camp he returned to the Island,
having before doing this dispatched a flag of truce to Pensacola
with the following letters:

*'Most Excellent Sir, My dear sir: At the time we are recipro-
cally making one another the same propositions, for both of us aimed
at the conservation of the goods and property of the individuals of
Pensacola, at the same time, I say, the insult of burning the houses
facing my Camp on the other side of the bay is committed before
my very eyes. This fact tells of the bad faith with which you work

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 57

and write, as also the conduct observed with the people from Mobile,
a great many of whom have been victims of the horrible cruelties
protected by your Excellency; all proves that your expressions are
not sincere, that himianity is a phrase that although you repeat it
on paper, your heart does not know, that your intentions are to gain
time to complete the destruction of Western Florida; and I, who am
indignant at my own credulity and the noble manner in which it is
pretended to halucinate me, must not, nor do I wish to hear, other
propositions than those of surrender, assuring your Excellency, that
as it will not be my fault, I shall see Pensacola bum with the same
indifference, that I shall see its cruel incendiaries perish upon its
ashes. God keep your Excellency many years. Island of Sta.
Rosa, March 22, 1781. Most Excellent Sir, Your most attentive
servitor kisses your Excellency's hand, — Bernardo de Galvez. His
Excellency John Campbell."

Letter to Governor Chester.

**Most Excellent Sir, My dear sir: I regret very much that since
yesterday circumstances have so varied, that now I cannot, nor
must not reply to the propositions regarding prisoners and families
which your Excellency made me in his conmiunications; if, as is
natural, the fate of these interests you, treat with General Campbell,
for all depends of the good or bad conduct he observes. I, personally,
am a servitor of your Excellency and desire that God keep you many
years. Camp of the Sta. Rosa, March 22, 1781. Most Excellent
Sir, Your most attentive servitor kisses your Excellency's hand, —
Bernardo de Galvez. His Excellency Peter Chester."

*T. D. — I enclose for your Excellency's information a copy of the
letter I am writing to General Campbell."

During the afternoon the King's packet, the S. Pio, that had
just returned from the vicinity of the **de los Perdidos" River to pro-
tect the laimches in which the people from Mobile were destined to
cross from one shore to another, entered the harbor. The Barrancas
Fort fired as briskly as possible but without causing it or any of the
four boats that followed any damage whatever.

At eight o'clock at night, the officer conunissioned to carry the
letters addressed to Campbell returned to the Camp with the fol-.
lowing reply:

"My dear sir: The imperious style your Excellency uses in his
letters of today far from producing its evident purpose of intimidat-
ing, has made me resolve more than ever to oppose the ambitious
undertaking Spain has placed uhder your command, by making all
the destruction possible, and in this I will only comply with my

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obligation to my King and country, a far more powerful motive than
your anger."

"The officer in command of Fort Barrancas-Coloradas, has the
order to defend that post to the last extremity; If he has deprived
the enemy who now assails us of a shelter, or vantage point for his
attacks, he has fulfilled his duty, besides not having molested women
and children nor private property.

*1 repeat to your Excellency that if he uses the City of Pensacola
for his attacks on Fort George or to shelter his troops I have resolved
to execute all I have commimicated to you.

"Insofar as the observations more immediately connected with
me are concerned, as I believe them immerited, I despise them.
God keep your Excellency many years. Headquarters, Pensacola,
March 22, 1781. Most Excellent Sir, Your most attentive servitor
kisses your Excellency's hand, John Campbell, — ^Most Excellent Sir,
Bernardo de Galvez."

That same night all the troops slept encamped on the shore that
faces the Harbor, in order to be ready to pass more quickly to the
opposite side where those from Mobile were.

The morning of the 23rd was taken up in the preparation of
rafts to send the artillery on the opposite shore, together with tents
and anmiimition. At 9 o'clock sails were seen on the horizon and
inmiediately they were believed to be the convoy from New Orleans.
At four in the afternoon it entered the harbci*, without the least
loss, excepting imimportant damage to the sails, and that in spite of
the fire from Barrancas. The Convoy consisted of 16 vessels, with
1400 men, cannons and ammimition; but three more vessels were
missing, that had become separated the night before.

The General issued the necessary orders, so that not only the
troops on the ships but also those that foimd themselves on the
Island of Santa Rosa should be in readiness to cross to the mainland
on the following morning, in order to imite themselves with those
already there.

This same day Colonel Ezpeleta with the Quartermaster, ex-
pired the outer harbor in order to move the Camp nearer the City.

On the 24th the General ordered all the troops encamped on the
Island of Sta. Rosa to embark on the merchant ships to be trans-
ferred by sea to the place selected for the establishment of the Camp
on the mainland, in order to besiege Fort George and the others
adjacent thereto, which was carried out at four o'clock in the after-
noon with exception of 200 men who were left occupying the Island.

On the morning of the 25th two English sailors, deserters from
Bararncas, arrived at the Camp, and informed the General of the

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 59

condition of the fort and its forces. This same morning a party of
ambushed Indians, surprised the soldiers who had gone beyond the
lines of the outposts, killed and wounded a few, committing their
usual cruelty of scalping the bodies of their victims, and others be-
sides.

At noon Lieutenant Colonel Dickson arrived at the Camp, with
his baggage and a few English prisoners who resided in Pensacola
until they should be called.

On the 26th at the hour of prayer the army took up the march,
so as to cut off the point of the outer harbor and come out on the
beach and also for the purpose of surprising some Indians and teach-
ing them a lesson. The march through five leagues of impenetra-
ble woods, sown with Indians, was very difficult, and in the obscuri-
ty and thickness two parties of soldiers who were going to a given
point by different roads had the misfortune of reciprocally mistaking
themselves for enemies and firing on one another with the result that
several were killed and wounded.

On the 27th the General had the inner harbor explored, which
was done in spite of the fire of parties of Indians. At one o'clock in
the afternoon Councilor Stibenson arrived from Pensacola, imder a
flag of truce, with propositions from Governor Chester.

The troops having occupied a spot which was judged suitable
to establish them in, the General ordered the troops to encamp, and
that the provisions and necessary material for that purpose be brought
from the merchant vessels. At 10 o'clock at night a few parties of
Indians ambushed near the Camp directed themselves towards the
Camp fires made by the soldiers, fired suddenly on these, killing some
and wounding others; on this accoimt the Camp was ordered en-
trenched, and that a few battalion cannons be disembarked, in order
to use them with grape shot on the Indians whenever they approached.

On the 28th at noon and after the General had already agreed
with Commissioner Stibenson the mutual observance of certain arti-
cles referring to the security of the Town of Pensacola, three Spanish
sailors, prisoners, who had managed to escape, arrived and reported
that they and their companions had been ill-treated by the English,
and on this accoimt the General became angry and despatched
Stibenson, refusing to agree to any proporsition.

At 3 o'clock in the afternoon a multitude of about 400 Indians,
approached the Camp and opened a brisk fire on the advanced
guards, but the white and colored militia from New Orleans went
out and a few cannons were brought up, by which means it was pos-
sible to make them withdraw for the time being, but at midnight
they again attacked the camp from different points and whilst they

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were repulsed our troops suffered a few losses in killed and woimded.

On the 29th a launch was sent to Mobile with orders for the ships
that were there with artillery and ammunition destined to the Ex-
pedition, to set sail immediately.

The General having dedded to move the Camp closer to Pensa-
cola, the reshipment of all the field-artillery, supplies and material
was ordered, their transportation by land being very difficult.

He ordered the Companies of grenadiers, infantry and other
light troops to prepare themselves to march at day-break, and that
after the beach of the inner harbor had been occupied by this corps,
the rest of the army should disembark in launches and incorporate
itself without fear of being attacked.

On the 30th at 5 o'clock in the morning, the General placed
himself at the head of this colvunn of 1100 men, with two field pieces,
and in passing through a defile the scouting parties advised that
there were Indians ambushed in the vicinity; for this reason he or-
dered a halt should be made and that they be fired on with a cannon,
by which means they were put to flight.

At half past 10 o'clock the General arrived with the colunm to
occupy the beach he had proposed to occupy which is situated within
a cannon shot of Fort George, without interference from the enemy.
The troops having taken possession of this grotmd, outposts and
sentinels were placed in all the avenues, and all other precautions
dictated by prudence and art were taken to better insure safety;
and at the same time a message was sent to Colonel Ezpeleta to em-
bark with the rest of the troops and come and incorpcw-ate himself
into the new camp.

The General afterwards went on board the frigate Clara, to dis-
cuss the establishments of Hospitals, and that the ships advance as
near as possible to the Camp of the troops.

At one o'clock in the afternoon the rest of the army began to
arrive, and shortly afterwards firing was heard from the outposts,
occasioned by a party of Indians who had approached; on this ac-
count and because the firing increased greatly, it was determined that
the light troops set out for the time being to support the outposts,
and that the others should advance also to form in battle array and
occupy a plain, bom which they could be moved with greater facility
should the enemy attempt a sortie. A short time after it was seen
that in effect troops were coming out of Fort George, and that the
fire from the Indians had increased extraordinarily, all of which
having been duly noted by Ezpeleta, he ordered that the wings of the
army should prolong themselves to a certain distance in order to cut
off the enemies' retreat in case they should abandon the field, but the

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 61

purpose of these was no other than to support the Indians and at-
tack us with two field pieces they had brought to fire on us with solid
shot.

In these circumstances the General arrived, and seeing that the
troops engaged were surrounded on all sides by a class of enemies
whose real advantage consists in never coming out from the cover of
the woods, adopted the plan to attack them with a few companies of
light infantry, and with the assistance of two field pieces, this maneu-
ver not only obliged the Indians to retire precipitately, but also com-
pelled the English troops who supported them to retire to the shelter
of Fort George, so that at seven o'clock in the evening, the army was
already turning up earth to entrench itself, its right wing resting on a
house near the beach and its left on the point of the inner harbor.
This afternoon there were several killed and woimded, among these
the Colonel of the King's Regiment, who died the following day, and
two sub-altern officers.

As the General had ordered the landing of the field-artillery, six
cannons were immediately placed on the left and two others on the
right so as to make use of them if the enemy attacked during the
night.

On the 31st the General went to the above mentioned house to
observe the City and land in its vicinity, and the troops employed
the day in perfecting the trench and erecting some tents that had
been apportioned by Companies.

At seven o'clock at night a deserter from the Maryland Regi-
ment arrived with the report that General Campbell planned another
sortie like the one of the day before, and that in the City there were
600 equipped troops, 300 sailors, many armed negroes, and a large
ntmiber of Indians encamped under the shelter of Fort George.

On the first of April at eight o'clock in the morning the Quarter-
master set out with a detachment of 500 men to explore a height
near the forts of the enemy and a little while after a contingent of
about 250 English troops were seen, which maintained itself in ob-
servation until the detachment retired.

At three o'clock in the afternoon the General went in his gig to
explore the Fort and vicinity of the town of Pensacola, and a little
while after three deserters fi-om the Waldek Regiment arrived, but
these had nothing to add to what had already been said by the first
one. During all this day the troops busied themselves in clearing
the woods around the Camp in order to deprive the Indians of this
means of sheltering themselves.

At two o'clock in the morning eight deserters from various
Regiments arrived with more or less the same reports the others had

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made, and at ten the Quartermaster set out to mark the spot of the
new camp nearer the place the General had selected to establish
his batteries.

At one o'clock in the afternoon two more deserters arrived and
reported that General Campbell had determined to open fire of his
Forts on our Camp at three o'clock of the same; in view of this the
General ordered that two-thirds of the army with their arms and
accoutrements should join the Quartermaster in order to help on the
trench, cautioning that all the tents be left up, so that the enemy
should not know the intention.

At prayer time, the rest of the army retired also, the tents were
folded, and the cannons were conducted to the new Camp, and 110
men left occupying the house called Nihil, until further orders.

The troops spent the night quietly without being molested by the
enemy. At seven o'clock in the morning an English schooner set
sail in the interior of the Harbor, and having seen this, two laimches
from the war ships and one from the brig Galveztown set out and
captured it without opposition.

On the third the General ordered the 110 men who had been
left at the Nihil house to retire and that two companies of light in-
fantry go near there daily to protect desertion, and that the laimches
with provisions and other property of the army should always come
by the creek of the inner harbor which protected his rear, inasmuch
as there was sufficient water to facilitate transportation.

In the afternoon the General ordered the Royal Navy to take
four English ships that had been abandoned and were at anchor
near the town, among these there was one frigate of war called Port
Royal with 60 Spanish prisoners on board, and that the brig Galvez-
town go to the Scambier River to do the same with several schooners,
also abandoned, and which had been reported by deserters.

At four in the morning. Colonel Ezpeleta again went out with the
Quartermaster to examine the hill from which it was planned to at-
tack Fort George and several workmen were engaged to lay out the
Camp, thus avoiding that the Indians should ambush themselves
and molest us.

On the 5th, the chiefs of the Talapuz Nation arrived at the Camp;
the General listened to their mission and it was agreed that they
should supply the camp with fresh meat.

The clearing of the woods was continued during the morning
and afternoon and it was decided as an urgent measure to construct
two redoubts on the creek of the inner harbor so as to protect the
laimches from the attacks of the Indians who fired on them from
various places.

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 63

At midnight they approached the Camp and fired, and we had
an officer wounded in his tent.

At 6 o'clock in the morning the General went with the Quarter-
master and several Engineers to examine the above mentioned hill,
and select another closer place for the establishment of the camp.

During the day the troops continued to clear the woods and
began to haul the ammunition which was being landed.

At seven o'clock in the morning it was reported to the General
that the brig Galveztown had captured a polacre and three schooners
near the River Scambier, and a Lieutenant from the Maryland Regi-
ment presented himself to the General asking to serve under his
orders, for having become involved with his Captain he left the
English service, and was walking towards Georgia when he heard of
our arrival.

Through this officer and several deserters the General learned
that the Indians were retiring; that they busied themselves in rob-
bing the houses of the inhabitants and in burning all those they could
in the country that several terrified families had asked permission to
embark in the brig Galveztown, and that Mr. Deans, Captain of the
British Royal Navy's frigate Mentor, had burned his ship to avoid
its capture by the Spaniards.

On this same morning the General dispatched the Talapuz
Chiefs on a mission to the Indians of the English faction, to persuade
them not to take part either on one side or the other during this war,
and to bring all the cattle they could.

In the afternoon work was begun on the two red6ubts of the
inner harbor in such a way that their fire would be flanking, so as to
keep the Indians as far away as possible.

On the 8th the General wrote to Mobile so that a few Indians
from the tribes most friendly to Spain should come for the purpose'
of persuading those who still continued attacking the Camp to retire,
and for the purpose also of employing them in bringing all the cattle
they could.

On the morning of the ninth Coimcilor Stibenson arrived at the
Camp under a flag of truce, sent by Governor Chester to inform the
General that a detachment of English troops in the City of Pensacola
was there only for the purpose of protecting it against the daily dis-
orders of the Indians and to avoid conflagrations.

In the afternoon he received a letter from the same Chester
advising that he had liberated 11 Spanish prisoners he still had.

A deserter also arrived, who said that the defenses of Fort
George were being daily strengthened and that a detachment of 300
Creek Indians had just arrived.

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At 10 o'clock a soldier from the Louisiana Regiment deserted,
and another from the Regiment of the Prince was shot for insubor-
dination to his Sergeant.

At 2 o'clock in the afternoon the Quartermaster set out to select
a place for a new Camp, nearer to where it was desired to attack, and
on this same day the redoubts were finished with four cannons each,
and the Navy took charge of its defense.

On the Uth a deserter arrived and said that the one who passed
over to the enemy had informed General Campbell that the army
consisted of 3000 men, etc. That this General expected a re-inforce-
ment of Indians and considerable help from Jaimaca and had written
the day before to Georgia, requesting assistance to throw us out of
the country.

On the 12th, at six o'clock in the morning, the Camp was moved
to the above mentioned place and the troops endeavored to entrench
theniselves as best they could; upon the angles that faced the avenues
several field pieces were placwi, and a redoubt was begun in order to
occupy ground that guaranteed the safety of the Camp. During all
this maneuver the enemy did not fire, but at one o'clock opened with
several elevated shots at us from Fort George.

At four o'clock the outposts reported that several divisions were
coming out of the Fort probably to attack us from different points.
A while after several parties of Indians advanced and fired on the
companies of light infantry that defied them; the General ordered
that another go to their support with instructions not to intern
themselves in the wood on account of the advantage this gave the
Indians as had been learned by previous experience.

Our light infantry replied to the fire of the Indians and English
troops that supported them with the greatest firmness; but seeming to
the General that a continuation of this would compel him to fight
too long, he ordered the companies to retire to the protection of the
nearest battery and that the enemy be fired upon with grape shot
whenever he approached.

A quarter of an hour after the General was advised that the
enemies were approaching from three different points with two small
cannons, for which reason he advanced to explore the place to which
they seemed to be going in order to cut off their retreat; and having
arrived at one of the advanced batteries a bullet struck him which
went through one of the fingers of his left hand and furrowed his
abdomen, and having retired to his tent to allow the surgeons to bind
his woimds, he ordered Major-General Ezpeleta to take conmiand
on his own accoimt and in his (Galvez's name), and to order whatever

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 65

necessary to execute promptly, until his wounds permitted him to
again supervise all things.

Those of our batteries that had begun firing continued to do so
against the Indians until these were obliged to retire, then it ceased
on both sides without fxirther loss to us than one killed and nine
wounded.

On the 13th 1000 men were destined to clear the woods aroxmd
the Camp, work on the redoubt and transport the artillery and mater-
ial from the former Camp.

On the 14th at six o'clock in the mcxming, 600 men went out to
construct fascines, and work was begun on an excavation which was
to serve as a powder magazine.

At four o'clock in the afternoon a deserter from the Maryland
Regiment arrived, and after being examined by the General, said
among other things that on the afternoon of the 12th, there had been
several Indians wQimded and an English officer killed.

At eight o'clock a horrible tempest of rain, wind and thimder
occurred, which greatly disturbed the Camp on account of its dura-
tion. The soldiers' ammimition became useless and for this reason
they were ordered to use the bayonet in case the enemy should at-
tempt a sortie, imtil such time as new ammunition could be provided;
most of the tents fell to the groimd, including the hospital tent, and
the surgeons prognosticated that many of the woundied would ^e of
convulsions, and the fears that this might happen to our General
greatly worried everyone.

On the morning of the 13th all work was suspended, so that the
soldiers might dry their clothes and put their ann3 in good conditions.

In the afternoon 700 men were destined to make fascines, and
haul the anrniimition that now began to arrive, and 66 Indians of the
Chastae Nation that the General had asked for in Mobile arrived
also, and encamped between the camp and the redoubt which had
just been finished.

There also arrived a deserter from the Cavalry who reported
that Fort George had suffered some slight damage from the storm
and that the English troops would desert every time opportimity
offered.

On the morning of the 17th, a company of the light infantry of
Navarra, captured a courrier with several official and private letters
for the Commandant of the Red-Clift's Fort. In one of these General
Campbell assured that Admiral Rowley would send him considerable
help, that his troops would defend themselves to the last extremity,
and that whilst there was some desertion, far from this causing him
any anxiety it augmented his confidence, for those truly soldiers re-

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mained, and that besides the arrival of the Creek Indians, he expected
considerable re-inforcements from other friendly nations.

The construction of fascines and the carting of ammunition ^^as
continued by the troops during all of this day.

On the 18th, a settee and a brig from Havana entered the harbor
with provisions, without the fire from Red-Clift's causing them any
loss. From the papers they brought for the General was learned the
joyful news that his father, the President of Guatemala, had dis-
lodged the English from the Castle of Nicaragua, and to celebrate
this the General ordered that the heavy artillery in the Camp fire a
triple salute, and the same thing was commimicated to the Navy.

This same day the Engineers went to explore the crescent bat-
tery of the salient of Fort George without the enemy noticing it, and
three deserters who arrived ratified the report that on the same day
the army had broken camp near the Nihil house General Campbell
had planned to fire on it with forty carmons, and several howitzers
and mortars.

At eleven o'clock at night there was some firing from the Indians
against the outposts, without any except very slight damage.

On the morning of the 19th another exploration of the crescent
battery was made, and measurements taken of the distance from it
to the place best suited to reduce it, and this new exploration was in-
dispensable as we had no exact plans, and the coimtry was wooded
and each step was a risk and a clash with the Indians.

At two o'clock the General was informed that fourteen vessels
some of them ships of war were in sight, which caused a great deal of
preoccupation as it was deemed likely to be the help the enemy ex-
pected.

At four o'clock it was reported to him twenty-one were in sight
and that they seemed to be Spanish, but as he had received no news
in the mail from Havana which had arrived the day before, nor had
he asked for help, his preoccupation increased, and in order to remove
all doubts at once, he ordered a conmiissioned officer to repair to the
bay and report on the matter so as to provide for it.

At eight o'clock this officer returned and affirmed that the Chiefs
of Squadron D. Joseph Solano and Mr. Monteill were near the Island
of Santa Rosa with 15 ships, 3 frigates, and other vessels and a land-
ing party of 1600 men under the comnmiand of the Field Marshall
D. Juan Manuel Cagigall, to reinforce the army.

On the morning of the 20th, the Adjutants of the Squadron
came to the Camp to inform the General that, advices having been
received in Havana that 8 English ships, several transports and fri-
gates had been sighted from Cape San Antonio, it was presumed

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 67

that this might be the relief expedition for Pensacola, and that thus
oiir attempt might fail, for which reason the Coimcil of Generals had
determined to embark the said troops on the referred to ships.

The two adjutants in the names of Sr. Solano and Mr. Monteill
were also commissioned to offer the assistance of the artillery troops
and crews of their ships, to which the General acquiesced in order
that they also might share in the glory of this conquest. They also
told the General that the frigate "Francesca la Andromaca" had
stranded near the coast, and that in order to float it, they had seen
themselves compelled to throw several cannons into the sea.

This day was employed in making fascines and in carting the
artillery and war mtmitions.

On the 21st the heavy sea did not permit the disembarking of
troops, but several schooners were destined to receive them at the
ships' sides.

During the afternoon the French cutter "Serpent" entered the
harbor with field marshal D. Juan Manuel Cagigal and Don Francisco
Saavedra on board, who inmiediately went to see the General and
remained with hinL Red-Clifts fired sixteen cannon shots at the
cutter as it entered but not one hit the hull or rigging. That same
afternoon the squadron same to anchor in 7 fathoms of water about
half a league from land as so to be in readiness for the landing of the
troops which began to take place at night.

On the morning of the 22nd, Field Marshall Cagigal, the Major-
General and the Quartermaster went out to examine the point of
attack of the crescent battery, and being discovered by the enemy
they were fired upon with cannon and compelled to retire.

On this same morning two companies of French light infantry,
and those of the artillery of the same nation, entered the camp and
were assigned a camping place.

During the rest of the day other troops of the Army and Navy,
with their officers began to arrive and a place was assigned to them;
and so that all services should be rendered with due exactitude the
General ordered that the army be formed into four Brigades, the
first imder conmiand of Brigadier D. Geronimo Giron, another under
command of Colonel D. Manuel Pineda, another one under conunand
of Colonel D. Francisco Longoria, the fourth imder the command
of the Capitan of ship D. Felipe Lopez Carrizosa, and the French
Division imder conunand of the Capitan of Ship Mr. de Boiderout

On the 23rd at 10 o'clock in the morning the Quartermaster
went out with a detachment of light infantry to survey the parallel
lines of the crescent batteries, and this operation being observed by
the enemy a brisk fire was begun on the detachment.

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At noon a deserter arrived and reported that General Campbell
thought of establishing a new provisional battery on one side of the
crescent, and that very night the garrison slept on their arms as a
surprise was feared.

On the morning of the 24th, Brigadier Giron went with two
engineers to the place where the two new batteries were to be es-
tablished; but the enemy who soon discovered the companies of light
infantry that acccmipanied them, commenced to fire with cannon,
thus enabling a force to come out and support the Indians who al-
ready annoyed us with their musketry; the light infantry returned
the fire that was made on it with a freat deal of firmness, now advanc-
ing and now retiring, according to the circumstances; but as the
firing continued for quite a time, the General ordered two more
companies to go out of the Camp in support of the others. This
last^ for more than one hour and in the skirmish we had fifteen
soldiers wounded, and although we do not know the losses of the
enemy, we do know that several Indians remained dead on the field,
besides one who came over to the Camp that same morning.

During the afternoon the Indians acc(Hnpanied by some troops
again annoyed the outposts and after firing for some time retir^
having wounded three soldiers. At Vf^Y^ time all the artillery of
Fort George, in the crescent and circle began to salute and a short
while after muskets were discharged, without our knowing then the
cause of this rejoicing.

On the 25th a few companies of light infantry left the Camp to
accompany the Commandant of Artillery and a few French of&ers
who went to inspect the point of attack, and a little while after their
arrival there, several Indians fired on them, which was replied to by
the light infantry who retreated with five wounded.

At eleven o'clock in the morning. Councilor Stibenson arrived
at the Camp imder a flag of truce from the Governor of Pensacola,
Peter Chester, to treat of several particulars concerning the neutrality
of the town; and he said that the salutes of the night before had been
to celebrate the recent successes that Lord Comwallis had obtained
against the Americans.

At one in the afternoon a deserter from the Cavalry arrived,
exaggerating greatly the fwrces of the enemy, and, appearing suspi-
cious to the General, the man was ordered aboard ship to be securely
kept.

On the 26th at four in the afternoon the engineers set out with
five companies of grenadiers and light infantry, to trace the trench
that was to be dug that night and to examine the crescent for the
last time; but when they had about half finished this operation^ they

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 69

were compelled to stop on account of the many parties of Indians
who, sustained by 200 troops commenced to fire on them; our people
replied and attacked them with two field pieces they carried, obliging
them to retire precipitately to the crescent; but this battery began to
fire with heavy artillery and several howitzers preventing for the time
being the conclusion of the exploration; nevertheless imequivocal signs
were left to distinguish during the night the place where the trench
should begin to be dug.

At ten o'clock at night 700 laborers with 300 fascines, sustained
by 800 grenadiers and light infantry, set out to begin this work in the
said place; to* arrive there it was necessary to traverse a thick wood,
and the way was made more difficult on accoimt of the great nxmiber
of trees that had been cut and pits that had been dug from place to
place, for which reason, and also because strict silence had to be
observed, the march was taken up at a slow pace.

On the 27th, it was already one o'clock and all the troops had
not yet been posted at the avenues; the night was dark, with thimder,
much lightening and some showers. These considerations and that,
that probably the troops would not have time to take to cover before
the break of day, was the cause that the work was suspended for the
time being, and the troops returned to camp at three o'clock in the
morning, leaving two companies of grenadiers posted thereabouts
ionc observation purposes.

After the break of day two companies of light infantry were sent
to relieve these, with the order that they prevent the enemy from
exploring the groimd or removing the signals left for the opening
of the trench.

At eight o'clock in the morning two deserters arrived and among
the things they fold the General, they did not omit to say that the
enemy continued to prepare to defend themselves to the last extremi-
ty.

At nine o'clock shots were heard in the direction where the light
infantry was posted, and at the same time the General was informed
that the enemy was cutting trees in front of the crescent, and fearing
they might entrench themselves in its shelter and frustrate our plans
in those parts, he ordered that four companies with two field pieces
should go out immediately, so that in union with the others they
might protect the engineers who were again surveying the line; and
that once this was accomplished, the cutting of trees was to be pre-
vented and the enemy kept away without exposing the troops too
much.

After the engineers had finished their operations without being
noticed by the English, the four companies went to the place where

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the trees were being cut, and discovered that in effect work had been
started on a small parapet, and that two field pieces were already
emplaced near a point that our parallel lines followed.

After a while they fired with these, to which we replied briskly
with the two we carried and with the musket, and they would have
been thrown out of this place had they not foimd themselves sup-
ported by the crescent, that began to throw bombs and royal grenades,
imtil one o'clock in the afternoon when our troops were relieved,
having suffered the loss of four dead and twelve woimded. In the
afternoon two soldiers from the Louisiana Regiment deserted, for
which reason the trench was not dug that night although the orders
had been given.

At eleven o'clock at night a deserter arrived at the camp, and
on being examined by the General said that in the place there were
more than 600 regular troops excluding the sailors, negroes and civi-
lians who took up arms; that the number of Indians was about 400
and that a new battery was being installed to the right of the crescent
in order to increase the defense.

On the morning of the 28th, 200 laborers set out to open a street
in the woods so that the troops could go to the place where the trench
had to be opened, and this same morning two Irish soldiers and a
Louisiana corporal deserted.

In the ^temoon the same workmen with the necessary tools
began to construct a covered road to enable them to go to a small
hill where it had been decided to establish a battery so as to divert
the fire of Fort George, whilst the premeditated one was effected
against the crescent.

At eight o'clock at night 700 laborers with 350 fascines and sup-
ported by 800 men left the Camp to carry out this idea.

At eleven o'clock the General was informed that the digging of
the trench had begim without this having been noticed by the enemy,
and a little later the Quartermaster and the Engineer of the detail
arrived and informed the General that all the troops were under
cover and that the work advanced rapidly.

On the 29th at four o'clock in the morning the laborers were
relieved to perfect the trench and continue the opening of the covered
road.

At six o'clock the enemy observed the work that had been done
and began to fire cannons and mortars to annoy us; and several
parties of them who approached to explore the trench with two field
pieces were vigorously repulsed with two others that were placed at
the head and tail of it. At half past eleven the fire of the enemy
stopped, probably to cool their artillery.

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 71

At eight o'clock at night 800 men of arms left the Camp to re-
lieve those in the trench, and 600 to begin the construction of a bat-
tery of 6 cannons of 24 and several mortars, that it was proposed
to make on a height suitable for the purpose of diverting the enemies
fire, whilst another was being constructed closer. 600 men were
also destined to continue the trench and to construct two redoubts
to the right and left of it for its defense.

At nine o'clock the fire from cannon, howitzers and mortars was
renewed, but at some interval.

On the 30th at one o'clock at night the fire of the enemy ceased
until day break when it began anew with the greatest rapidity, and
whilst it lasted we only suffered the loss of one man, one officer mid
one soldier seriously woimded.

At seven o'clock a deserter arrived and assured that in the glacis
of Fort George, the construction of a battery of small calibre cannons
had begun.

All this day was taken up in widening the trench, perfecting the
batteries of cannons and mortars and in finishing the said two re-
doubts without the enemy firing on us any more.

At eight o'clock at night the men of arms and laborers were
relieved and the four mortars were brought to the battery.

At day break on the first of May the enemies began to fire with
several canncms, 3 mortars, and 4 howitzers, and this continued
without interruption imtil 10 o'clock in the morning, and from that
hour on they still fired but very slowly; but having noticed that
work was proceeding on the road that lead from the trench to the
battery, they augmented it extraordinarily, to such an extent that the
General thought it best to suspend the work.

But the work was kept during the night in ,spite of the bombs
and royal grenades and a battery of six cannons of 24 was emplaced
provided with everything necessary.

On the 2nd at half past five in the morning, the enemy again
began to annoy us with their fire, and in order to draw their attention
the General ordered our cannons to begin, which was kept up imtil
prayer time when the enemies stopped theirs.

During the afternoon the Quartermaster went out with the other
engineers to trace the line for the prolongation of the trench so as to
occupy Pine Hill, in which place another battery of greater strength
was to be constructed to attack the crescent. At eight o'clock at
night 800 soldiers and as many laborers left the Camp to begin these
new works.

The Quartermaster and Engineer of the detail arrived at mid-
night to inform the General that the troops were already imder cover

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and had not been seen by the enemy; they added that work was pro-
gressing on the crescent in order to repair the parapet which had
been damaged by the fire of our cannon.

On the 3rd at day break, the enemy discovered the new trench
situated 225 toises from the first Fort and began to fire mortars and
howitzers against the workmen who continued their labors, but our
battery replied with such vigor that it silenced the crescent during
more than two hours.

At nine o'clock in the morning four deserters arrived and on
being examined by the General said that the several bombs that had
fallen in the crescent and Fort Gewge had occasioned severe losses
and that our cannons had dismoimted two of those and at the same
time destroyed two merlons that had been repaired the night before.

Our battery fire kept the crescent and circle busy for the rest of
the day with its good aim. At prayer time both sides ceased and 800
men of arms left the Camp to relieve those in the trench, and 860
laborers went out to prolong it and form redoubts at its end in order
to safeguard it there.

The 4th. Although all night was taken up in working for the
conclusion of the trench and construction of the redoubt, the time
was not sufficient for the formation of the gim embrasures, so that the
soldier could with difficulty fire from the parapet of these works, nor
was it possible to remain outside on accoimt of the hail of shot
thrown from the crescent.

All the morning the enemy directed a fairly well aimed cannon
fire on this part, but particularly at one o'clock they took it up with
such vigor with cannister, bombs and grenades that they obliged the
troops to use of every means they judged adequate to free themselves.
At this moment parties of English troops that had left the crescent
without being seen and for that premeditated purpose, attacked the
redoubt that was held by a company of the Mallorca grenadiers
and half a company of Hibernians. At this jimcture the troops al-
though encouraged by their officers, the Captain and Second Lieu-
tenant of Mallorca having been killed, and the First Lieutenant
seriously woimded, as also the Captain and Lieutenant of the Hi-
bernians, at the first onslaught retired to the second redoubt where
the enemy pursued them with cold steel, but these soon returned to the
first one they had captured.

At the first advice of this occurrence the General ordered Colonel
Ezpeleta to go with four companies of light infantry and dislodge
the enemy; but before this Colonel had time to reach the spot, they
had already retired, leaving the trench on fire, four field pieces
spiked and besides carrying away the Captain and Lieutenant of the

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 73

Hibernians and the officers of the same grade from the Mallorca
Regiment, for these being seriously woimded were unable to retire.

The losses experimented in this blow were eighteen killed and
sixteen woimded, exclusive of the officers.

During the afternoon the trench and redoubt were repaired and
four new cannons emplaced; and during the night the enemies di-
rected a fire from mortars and howitzers on this spot.

On the 5th workmen were busied in carrying fascines, cotton
bales and sacks to form an embankment in the shelter of which the
premeditated battery night be moimted.

During the night four deserters arrived, but they could not tell
the General the number of the forces that had attacked the redoubt.

The fire of the enemy was fairly brisk, and from prayer time was
entirely directed to the left, which caused the loss of several killed
and woimded.

During the night there was a violent tempest of wind, thimder
and rain, which flooded all the camp, particularly the trench, for
which reason work was suspended; and the squadron foimd itself
compelled to let go its moorings and make sail for fear of being
dashed on the shore.

On the morning of the 6th in consideration of the bad night
they had passed the General ordered that the troops in the trench
be relieved and they be given a ration of grog.

At seven o'clock our battery began to play with particularly
good aim on the crescent, but this one occupied itself mostly in an-
noying the troops on the left to prevent the attacks.

At 9 o'clock two howitzers that had been placed in the redoubt
at the tail of the trench began to fire and continued to do so very
vigorously during the rest of the day.

At prayer time the firing ceased on both sides, but at nine
o'clock the enemy resxmied it with bombs and grenades, causing us
enough loss.

At 10 o'clock work was begim on an embankment on the redoubt
to the left in order to form a shelter behind which a battery of can-
nons could be made, and the General desiring to shorten the siege
and teach the enemy a lesson ordered 700 men of the grenadiers
and light infantry to assault the crescent whilst the Fort would be
alarmed in such a way as to distract its attention.

On the 7th at one o'clock in the morning the troops set out im-
der command of Brigadier D. Geronimo Giron, with all the necessary
equipment to overcome all the obstacles that might be foimd at the
mouth of the crescent; but in order to arrive there without being
seen it was necessary to go aroimd a small hill thickly wooded with pine

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trees, and day was fast approaching when the troops arrived where
they were to halt in order to attack precipitately; as a consequence
far from surprising the enemy, it would find it imder arms as is usual
at this hour. With this knowledge, General Ezpeleta, who found
himself in the trench for the purpose of reinforcing Giron if he needed
it, advised the General that the execution of this plan having been
retarded for the mentioned reason, it would be best to suspend it,
as it lacked but little for day-break, upon learning which the General
inmiediately ordered the return of the troops, which was done without
the enemy being aware of the movement.

At six o'clock in the morning our left again suffered the fire of the
crescent, and it was observed that the loopholes that faced our bat-
tery had been covered up, probably to protect themselves from its
fire.

At eight o'clock in the morning some of the fascines of the cres-
cent began to bum, but they extinguished them in half an hour.

At 4 o'clock in the afternoon work was begim on the projected
battery in spite of the fire of the enemy, which work was hurriedly
continued during the night.

On the 8th at five o'clock in the morning only the esplanades
to emplace the artiliery remained to be finished, so that if work was
actively pushed these could go into action at noon.

At 6'clock the fire firom the crescent was renewed, to which we
replied with two howitzers from the redoubts, with such success,
that one of our grenades having fired the powder magazine it blew
up the crescent with 105 men of the garrison.

When this occurred the General ordered Brigadier Giron with the
troops from the trench and General Ezpeleta with several companies
of light infantry to go and occupy the groimd whilst a colunm set
out from the Camp to fulfill all that was necessary.

After the troops were seen in the above place the middle Fort
began to fire with cannister and musketry; but the two howitzers
and two cannons having been carried firom the redoubt, these were
brought up and the enemy's fire vigorously replied to and during
this time the troops did the same with mudcets imder cover of the
ruins of the crescent.

The firing continued until three o'clock in the afternoon when
Fort George hoisted the white flag and an Adjutant of General
Campbell's came to propose a suspension imtil the following day in
order to capitulate. The General went immediately to the place
where the officer waited for him, and not having acceded to the sus-
pension, Campbell proposed several articles, some being granted

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 75

and others refused. At one o'clock at night both Generals came to
an agreement.

On the 9th the capitulation was drawn up in the terms expressed
in the annexed note, and signed.

On the 10th at three o'clock in the afternoon six companies of
grenadiers and the light infantry of the French Brigade, formed 500
yards from Fort George, and at that distance the General came
out with his troops and after having surrendered the flag of the Waldek
Regiment and one from the artillery they laid down their arms with
the usual ceremonies. Immediately two companies of grenadiers
were told off to take possession of Fort George, and the light infantry
from the French Brigade did the same with the circular battery.

On the 11th a detachment was sent out to take possession of the
Red-Clifts Fort on the Barrancas, whose garrison consisted of 139
men including officers. This Fort had 11 cannons moimted, of which
5 were of 32 calibre. On the same day the General gave orders to
begin the inventory of the provisions, artillery, supplies and anmiu-
nition in the Forts conquered, and to the Major General and other
Chiefs of the Expedition that they begin to re-embark all that was
on land in order not to lose a moment's time in returning the troops
to Havana.

The total number of prisoners reaches the sxmi of 1113 men,
who added to the 105 blown up in the crescent, 56 deserters that had
presented themselves during the siege, and 300 who whilst the
capitulation was being drawn up retired to Gecnrgia, shows that the
garrison was <:omposed of about 1600 men, without coimting the
many negroes that helped in its defense, the dead they had before,
and the multitude of Indians that inimdated the woods and coimtry.
Besides the prisoners, there are 101 women and 123 children, to whom
rations have been accorded as they are dependent on these; so that
today the number that are considered such reaches 1347.

The losses the enemy has occasioned the army during the siege
are 75 killed and 198 woimded, as appears in the statement of the
Major-General annexed herewith. The Navy has lost 21 men and
has had 4 woimded. Pensacola, the 13th of May, 1781. Bernardo
de Galvez.

ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION CONCERTED and agreed
to between Sr. D. Bernardo de Galvez, Pensioned Knight of the
Royal and distinguished Order of Charles the III, Field Marshal of
the Royal Armies of H. Catholic M., Inspector, Superintendent and
Governor General of the Province of Louisiana and Commandant
General of the Expedition; and the Most Excellent Sirs Peter Chester,
Esquire, Governor-Commandant in Chief, Chancellor and Vice-

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Admiral for H. Britannic M. in the Province of Western Florida,
and Joh nCampbell, Field Marshal and Commandant General of the
Troops of H. Britaniiic M. in the said Province.

ARTICLE I.

All the Forts and posts at present occupied by the Troops of
H. B. M. will be (within the specified time) delivered to those of
H. C. M. The English soldiers and sailors will go out with all the
honors of war, arms shouldered, drums beating, flags flying, two
field gims with six cartridges, and the same nxmiber for each soldier,
to within 500 yards of their different posts, where they will give
up their arms, and the officers shall retain their swords, following
which they will be embarked as promptly as possible in well condi-
tioned ships provided for at the expense of H. C. M. to be conducted
to any of the ports of Great Britain that General Campbell may
select. The troops and sailors are to be imder the immediate direc-
tion of their respective officers, and will not be able to serve against
Spain or her allies imtil an exchange is verified for an equal niunber of
Spanish prisoners or those of her allies, in accordance with the estab-
lished custom in equality of rank and other equivalent things.

ARTICLE I.

Conceded, excepting only the ports of the Island of Jamaica
and that of St. Augustine, Florida; and in the matter of the exchange
of prisoners, the Spaniards are to be preferred over their allies, and
they will be sent for exchange to ports of Spain at the expense of
H. B. M.

ARTICLE 11.

The general staff. Commissaries, store-keepers, and generally
all individuals who by their calling or employment depend upon the
troops will be included in the foregoing article.

ARTICLE II.

Conceded.

ARTICLE III.

A well-conditioned ship, provided with all necessary equipment
at the expense of H. C. M. will serve as a Hospital for the sick and
woimded who are able to accompany the other troops to the port
selected for their retirement; good treatment will be given to those
who remain, and as soon as they are able they will be sent in a ship
imder flag of truce to the same place.

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 77

ARTICLE III.

Conceded, but General Campbell must leave Commissaries,
Surgeons and medicines for the assistance of the sick at the expense
of H. B. M., to be tran^)orted after at the expense of H. C. M., as is
the rest of the garrison.

ARTICLE IV.

The Captain and officers of the Navy will retain the servants
granted by the regulations, and these will be included in the first
article.

ARTICLE IV.
Conceded.

ARTICLE V.

All officers, soldiers and sailors that compose the garrison of the
Forts and posts included in this Capitulation will be allowed to keep
without harm or annoyance all their private property, baggage and
personal effects, and will be allowed to embark them in the ships
that in accordance with the first article must be destined, or they may
sell them in Pensacola.

ARTICLE V.

Conceded insofar as baggage and equipment is concerned as is
customary in the Army.

ARTICLE VI.

All necessary papers for the auditing of accoimts in England or
any otha: place will be preserved.

ARTICLE VI.

Conceded, after they have been examined.

ARTICLE VII.

A ship which the then Commandant of the Navy at Pensacola
sent to Havana imder flag of truce will be sent to the same port as
the troops and sailors of this garrison as is stipulated in the first
article.

ARTICLE VII.
Conceded.

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ARTICLE VIII.

A commodious and well-provisioned ship shall be furnished at
the expense of H. C. M. to transport the Governor, his family and good
goods to Great Britain, or to any other of H. B. M. governments in
North America as he may elect; and whilst he remains in the Province
he will occupy the Government House in the City of Pensacola, pro-
tecting his person, goods and effects which will not be searched before
or upon his departure.

ARTICLE VIII.

Conceded, with the exception that he will take any other ex-
cept the Government House he solicits.

ARTICLE IX.

Another commodious and well provisioned ship will be furnished
with all necessary equipment at the expense of H. C. M. to transport
Major-General John Campbell, his suite and family and all his goods
jmd effects to Great Britain, or any other port of H. B. M. in North
America, if he should so elect; and whilst he remains in the Province
he shall receive decent lodgings for himself, his suite and family, and
shall be protected as also his papers, goods and effects, which shall
not be searched before nor at the time of his departure.

ARTICLE IX.

Conceded.

ARTICLE X.

Conunissioners will be named reciprocally to make an inventory
of the Artillery, anunimitipn, supplies, and provisions in the ware-
houses of H. B. M. in the different Forts and posts of the Province
and these will deliver it to the Commandant General of the Spanish
troops.

ARTICLE X.

Conceded.

ARTICLE XI.

The officers of the Navy and of the garrisons in the Province
who must remain in Pensacola to wind up their private affairs will be
allowed to do so for such time as they may require.

ARTICLE XI.
Conceded.

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 79

ARTICLE XII.

The Province will remain to H. C. M. until the time that Their
B. and C. Majesties determine its fate; in which time, Civilian of-
ficials of the Navy and Army who remain, the Merchants and other
inhabitants will not be obliged on any accoimt to take up arms against
H. B. M. his allies or any other power, and imder no circumstances
or pretext will suffer damages in their person, goods or effects on sea
or on land at the hands of H. C. M. vassals they being protected as
are the vassals of the King of Spain.

ARTICLE XII.

The Province will remain for Spain, and the inhabitants will be
treated in accordance with the Capitulation of Baton Rouge, with the
extention of four months to enable thep to leave.

ARTICLE XIII.

The Judges and other Civil officials of the Government who do
not remain to wind up their affairs, will also be transported to Great
Britain or any other Government in North America they may select
in well conditioned ships at the expense of H. C. M., with their families
all their goods, effects and papers, and these will not be examined.

ARTICLE XIII.

Flags of truce will be granted for them to retire but at their
expense.

ARTICLE XIV.

To all Civilian Officials of the Navy and Army who remain for
the purpose of arranging their affsurs after the ships destined for the
transportation of others to Great Britain or any other place as is
mentioned in the preceeding articles have left, as also to merchants
and other persons whilst their presence is necessary in the Province,
and also to those whose representatives have to absent themselves,
and again to those who are absent themselves, their rights and privi-
leges will be conserved and they will be maintained in the pacific
and tranquil possession of their property and personal effects' mov-
able or real, or of whatever other class they may be, and they will have
the right to sell same at their pleasure as they would have done before
now, and they may employ the proceeds thereof in what they esteem
most advantageous to be transported at their cost with their families
to whatever part of H. B. M. dominions they choose, in ships imder
flags of truce, which will be provided for them with the necessary

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80 The Louisiana Historical Qmrterly

passports for their safety, as also that of their families and goods
against any harm that might befall them at the hands of the vassals
of H. C. M. or his allies.

ARTICLE XIV.

Conceded for one year.

ARTICLE XV.

The inhabitants, of whatever class they may be will not be
compelled to give lodgings to the troops of H. C. M.; the conditions
of the free negroes, mulatoes and octoroons will be respected.

ARTICLE XV.

The inhabitants will furnish lodgings to the troops only when
necessary, and not more; regarding the liberty of the negroes and
mulatoes, conceded, provided General Campbell grants the liberty
of a negro captured in the village.

ARTICLE XVI.

No restriction will be placed placed on the free exercise of reli-
gion, as has been the practice heretofore.

ARTICLE XVI.

Conceded ior the period of one year until the King my Lord
decides.

ARTICLE XVII.

The negroes who have been hired out to work on the fortifica-
tions will not be taken from their owners, but these will be entitled
to keep them along with the rest of their property.

ARTICLE XVII.
Conceded.

ARTICLE XVIII.

The books, registers, and public papers in the Archives of the
Government and in others will remain hi the care of the same Officials
in whose charge they were; on no accoimt will it be permitted to
withdraw them unless they have been lost or mislaid.

ARTICLE XVIII.

All public docimients will be delivered to the person I shall
designate; in case they are not useful for the Government of the Pro-
vince they will be returned to the Civil authorities.

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Diary of Bernqrdo de Galv^z 81

ARTICLE XIX. .

The inhabitants and all other persons of whatever class these
may be who may have taken arms in defense of the Province will
under no circimistances be molested.

ARTICLE XIX.
Conceded.

ARTICLE XX.

Two covered wagons will be furnished that will ^o out with the
troops and these will not be searched.

ARTICLE XX.
Conceded.

ARTICLE XXI.

All cattle and other provisions taken from the inhabitants of
this Province for the subsistence of H. C. M. troops will be fully paid
at prices established at the place they were taken.

ARTICLE XXI.

This article is useless inasmuch as no cattle or any other thing
has been taken from the inhabitants.

ARTICLE XXII.

It will be permitted to the Governor and Commandant of the
troops, if they so desire, to send advices of this Capitulation in ships
under flags of truce, or by other means to the Governor of East
Florida, Commander in Chief in North America or to Jamaica or
Great Britain.

Conceded.

ARTICLE XXII.

ARTICLE XXIII,

All prisoners made by the arms of Spain since the 9th of March
will be imited to the Garrisons of the Posts they must leave so as to
be on the same footing stipulated in Article I; and all the Spaniards
that have given their parole in Pensacola or who are now in custody
of the English troops will be given their liberty, with the exception
of those who have not fulfilled their parole.

ARTICLE XXIII.
Conceded.

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82 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

• ARTICLE XXIV.

The negroes who from fright have fled from Pensacda during
the seige, shall be returned to their owners.

ARTICLE XXIV.

Conceded, should this incur any inconvenience their appraised
value will be given.

ARTICLE XXV. .

Lodgings will be provided for the troops and sailors until such a
time as the vessels mentioned in the first article are available.

ARTICLE XXV.

Conceded.

ARTICLE XXVI.

Good faith will have to be observed in the full and entire execu-
tion of this Capitulation, and should any question arise not provided
for by the foregoing articles it will be declared under the understand-
ing that the intention of the contracting parties is that the determi-
nation most in accord with the dictates of humanity and generous
thought will be taken.

ARTICLE XXVI.

Conceded.

Fort George, March 9th, 1781— Peter Chester, John Campbell.
Camp of Pensacola, May 9th, 1781 — ^Bernardo de Galvez.

Additional Articles

ARTICLE XXVII.

In case a few or many English soldiers and sailors who are now
absent from their respective Corps and fugitives in the woods are
taken by the troops of Spain, they will be considered as if part of the
garrison, and if as such they are apprehended before the departure
of the other troops, they will be permitted to join them, and if after,
they will be included in the Hospital ship with the sick and woimded
in accordance with Article III, so as to leave at the same time with
the garrison.

ARTICLE XXVII.

Conceded, unless they present themselves as deserters.

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Diary of Bernardo de Gahez

83

ARTICLE XXVIII.

On no account whatsoever will the English soldiers and sailors
be asked to take the service of Spain or her allies. Peter Chester,
John Campbell.

ARTICLE XXVIII.

Conceded, but if they present themselves of their own accord,
protection will be granted to them. — Bernardo de Galvez.
Concurs with the original. — Bernardo de Galvez.

Statement of the dead and wounded which the army under
command of the Field Marshall D. Bernardo de Galvez, has sustained
since its landing on the Island of Santa Rosa until the 8th of May
that the City of Pensacola surrendered.

Month of

OFFICERS Dead of all

Wounded

March

Classes

25th

1

1

26th

8

10

27th

5

4

28th

The Colonel of the King D. Luis Rebolo, dead

4

4

30th

The Lieutenant of Soria D. Antonio Figueroa,
wounded.

5

15

31st

1

00

April

7th

00

1

8th

1

1

12th

The Commandant General Field Marshall D. Ber-

mardo de Galvez, wounded.
The Captain of Navarro d. Joseph Sammaniega,

wounded.

1

6

22nd

00

2

24th

Sublieutenant of Hibemia D. Felipe 0-Reylli,
wounded.

00

5

25th

00

9

26th

2

1

27th

The Sublieutenant of Guadalajara D. Francisco
Castanon. wounded.

3

6

28th

00

2

29th

The Sublieutenant of Louisiana D. Francisco
Godeau, dead.

2

1

30th

1

00

May

1st

00

3

2nd

00

3

3rd

1

4

Total

35

78

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84 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Carried forward
Month of OFFICERS Dead of all Wounded

May Qasses

4th The Captain of Mallawca D. Salvado Rueca, 19 19

dead.
The Sublieutenant of the same, D. Francisco

Aragon, dead.
The Lieutenant of Hibemia D. Timoteo O'Dali,

dead.
The Captain of the same, D. Hugo O'Connor.

wounded.
The Lieutenant of Mallorca D. Juan Xaramillo,
wounded.
5th 2 12

6th The Sergeant Major of Soria D. Joseph Urraca, 1 12

wounded.
The Engineer of Volunteers D. Gilverto Guilmar,

woimded.
The Captain of Aragon D. Mateo Arreda, wounded
The Lieutenant of the same, D. Joseph Molina,

woimded.
The Lieutenant of Navarra D. Ramon Gracia,

wounded.
The Capitain of the permanent of Havana, C.
Francisco Onoro, wounded.
7th The Capitain of Navarra D. Bartolome de Vargas, 4 17

dead.
The Sublieutenant of the King, D. Pascual
Couget. wounded.
8th The Sublieutenant of Hibemia, D. Tomas Fitz- 13 60

morin, dead.
The Sublieutenant of Soria, D. Juan Vigodet,

wounded.
Mr. D. Elpese and Mr. de Villeneuve, 1st and 2nd

Capitains of the Regiment of Angenois, wounded.

Total 74 198

Pensacola. 12th of May, 1781.
Joseph de Espeleta, A true copy of the original,
Bernardo de Galvez.

STATEMENT OF THE ARMS AND MUNITIONS OF WAR
that have been found in the forts and Fortified City of Pensacola,
besides the 4 mortars, 143 cannons, 6 howitzers and 40 swivel guns
that General Don Bernardo de Galvez reports in his letter of the
26th of May, published in the Gazette of the 7th of August, and of a
considerable assortment of goods and supplies for the service of the
artillery.

Bombs and Royal grenades 1623

Hand Grenades, loaded 1530

Bullets of various calibres 8144

Cartridges for cannons 3411

Hundred weights oi powder 298

FOR THE INFANTRY

Guns 2142

Bayonets 1208

Sabers •_ 120

Cartridges (cases) 1072

Belts 232

Ball cartridges for guns 30712

Flints _ 8000

Hundred weights of bullets for guns 96

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ORIGINAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF LOUISIANA
TO MEDICAL SCIENCES.

By Edmond Satichon, M. D.

Professor Emeritus of Anatomy, Tulane School of Medicine
H. F. A. C. S.

New Orleans, Louisiana.

A BIBLIOGRAPHIC STUDY.

Upon reflecting on the awakening of the scientific spirit in
America within the last thirty years, it occurred to me that it would
be very interesting to study the achievements made especially in the
form of original contributions by America to Medical Sciences.

In this study, I confined myself to the United States of America.
America is barely more than a century old but in that century it
has contributed more than any other single century of the Old World,
barring the century of Pasteur and his followers; and yet, with
transmissibility of puerperal fever, with anesthetics, general and
local, gynecology, abdominal surgery, dentistry, eradication of yel-
low fever and malarial fever, it follows closely in the trail of the
Pasteur century.

By original contribution is meant something new, that has not
been done before by somebody else.

In some instances it is difficult, from the description, to decide
if the contribution has been made in America for the first time, or
for the first time in the world. Doubtless a great number were made
in America without any knowledge that they had been done before
by somebody else, and that is quite creditable in itself. .

To obtain information, I have sent out over six hundred circu-
lar letters to as many men occupying prominent positions and who
ought to know what has been done in the profession in this country.

Through the courtesy of the Editor, the circular letter was
published in the Journal of the American Medical Association. It
required eight months to gather the data and write the paper. It was
truly ai labor of love to bring together the workers of our country.

The contributions of Louisiana are here described as a biblio-

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86 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

graphic Study. In a previous paper read December 15, 1915, before
the Louisiana Historical Society the subject was considered Mo-
graphically, i. e. gave specially an account of the lives of the contri-
butors, whereas in this bibliographic study it is specially their writ-
ings and achievements that are described.

All the contributors from Louisiana are from the City of New
Orleans, except Dr. Prevost.

DR. FRANCOIS PREVOST practiced in Donaldsonville. In
1830 (?) he performed the first Cesarian Section in America. He
operated four times successfully losing but one mother and operating
twice on the same woman. His claim is well established in a paper
published by Dr. Robert P. Harris qf Philadelphia, published in the
New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, June, 1879, page 933.

DR. DUBOURG, (New Orleans) was the first to perform

vaginal hysterectomy in America, if not in the world. (Statement
of Professor E. S. Lewis of Tulane.)

DR. CHARLES ALOYSIUS LUZENBERG, 1805-1848, (New
Orleans) first removed gangrenous bowel in hernia, and sutured the
ends successfully.

DR. JOHN LEONARD RIDDELL, 1807-1865, (New Orleans)
invented the binocular microscope.

DR. WARREN STONE, 1808-1892, (New Orleans) was the
first to resect a portion of rib to secure permanent drainage in cases
of empyema. He was the first to apply a wire ligature to a human
artery for aneurism. He applied it to the common iliac for an aneur-
ism of the external iliac. He first cured a traimiatic aneurism of the
second portion of the subclavian artery by digital compression.
Priority is also claimed by Dr. Jonathan Knight of New Haven, Conn.
Digital compression is undoubtedly an American procedure.

DR. CHARLES JEAN PAGET, Sr., 1818-1884, (New Orleans)
discovered the lack of correlation between the pulse and the tempera-
ture in yellow fever. While the temperature goes up the pulse goes
down or remains stationary. It is pathognomonic of yellow fever.

DR. TOBIAS GIBSON RICHARDSON, 1827-1892, (New Or-
leans) was the first to amputate both legs at the hip joint at one time
in the same subject, the patient recovering. He was the first to write
an Anatomy in which English names were substituted for the Latin
names. He was the first to use strong injections of nitrate of silver
for cytitis.

His wife's devotion to his memory caused her to contribute
magnificent buildings on Tulane Campus devoted to medical edu-
cation.

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Original Contributions of Louisiana to Medical Science 87

DR. H. D. SCHMIDT, 1823-1888, (New Orleans), demonstrated
the origin of the bile ducts in the intercellular spaces.

DR. COMPTON, (New Orleans), in 1853, was the first to
excise both the radius and ulna.

DR. ANDREW WOOD SMYTH, (New Orleans) was the first
to cure a subclavian aneurism of the third portion. He first ligated
simultaneously the innominate and the conmion carotid and later
the vertebral artery. His ligation of the innominate artery is the
first successful one in the world. His patient survived, whereas
Dr. Mott's did. not. It is by ligating the vertebral artery on the ap-
pearance of secondary haemorrhage in his case that he cured the
case.

DR. ALBERT BALDWIN MILES, 1852-1894, (New Orleans)
was the first to use a loop ligature on the first portion of the sub-
clavian artery while operating on an aneurism of the third portion.

DR. JOSEPH JONES, 1833-1896, (New Orleans) discovered
the plasmoditam of malarial fever before Laveran. (Statement of
Professor Duval of Tulane.)

DR. EDMOND SOUCHON, (New Orleans) devised a New
Method to design colored charts for class demonstrations. The
sketch is copied from a book with a pantograph and the shading is
done by willow charcoal and black crayons. The coloring is done
with pastels. The drawing is made on book paper, the back of which
is painted with thin Damar varnish and turpentine which fixes the
pastel and prevents its rubbing off. The paper is then pasted on
large Bristol boards (30x40) and its surface is sized with thin gelatine
and then varnished with thin damar.

Preservation of Anatomic Dissections with permanent color of
Muscles and Organs by two methods. The curing Method using
arsenic, calcium chloride and formol. The Physical or Paint Method
by which colorless muscles in a dissection are given permanent color
by painting them with artist's paint or house paints.

Founded Preservative Anatomy after the method described
above.

Founded Methodic Anatomy as evidenced in a plea for a Metho-
dical Textbodc on Anatomy. A single and imiform guide is strictly
followed in describing each and every organ, from the largest to the
smallest.

Fovmded Philosophic Anatomy as exemplified in the publica-
tion of Philosophic Anatomy of the tongue, liver, lungs, kidneys.
The peculiarities only of the organs are considered and it is endeavored
to explain the reasons of things, the why and wherefore.

Foimded Esthetic Anatomy by using systematically in teaching

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88 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

four hundred large pastel colored charts and projectmg on the screen
a complete series of three hundred colored lantern slides, the re-
production of the atlases of Bonamy, and Beau and of Hirsfddt
and Leveille.

Founded the Souchon Museum of Anatomy at Tulane Universi-
ty. It was so named by resolution of the Board of Administrators. It
contains 350 dissections, large and small. They are all natural
preparations. There are no dried, wax, or papier mache specimens*
All the muscles and organs present permanent color. No other
Museimi anywhere presents this feature. They are prepared after
the Souchon Method of Preserving Anatomic Dissections.

Surgical Collateral Branches of the Main Arteries. Each and
every main artery presents a collateral branch which takes the place
of the main artery when that artery has been Hgated.

Embalming of Bodies for Teaching Purposes. The chemicals
used are arsenic, fprniol, alchohol, glycerine, carbolic acid, and creo-
sote. The OTiginality lies in the combinations selected, in \ht pro-
portions of each and the result obtained in the color of the musd^.

First Complete History of Aneurisms of the Arch of the Aorta.

First Complete History of the Operative Treatment of Aneur-
isms of the Third Portion of the Subclavian Artery.

First and Only Dissection of a Subclavian Aneurism of the Third
Portion of the Subclavian Artery, demonstrating the collateral cir-
culation, after ligature of the main arteries. It took place through
the amastomoses of the Aortic perforating interostals with the branch-
es of the subscapular, in the substance of the great serrate muscle.
The specimen is now in the Army Medical Museimi in Washington.

First to advocate Simultaneous Ligation of the first portion of
the subclavian and the vertebral artery without rupturing the coats
for the cure of subclavian aneurism of the third portion.

First to advocate the ligation of the axillary artery above the
origin of the subscapular for the cure of recurrent aneurisms of the
third portion of the subclavian.

First Complete History of Double Aneurism of the same artery.

First Complete History of the Operative Treatment of Irre-
ducile Dislocations of the Shoulder Joint. Resection of the head is
better and easier than reduction.

Complete History of Drilling holes through the skull to explore
with syringe and needle.

First Complete History of Wounds of the Large Surgical Veins.
When a large vein has been injured and ligated, if the collateral venous
circulation is inadequate and gangrene is threatened, the main
artery of the region must be ligated, but below the largest collateral

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Original Contributions of Louisiana to Medical Science 89

which will carry enough blood to nourish the parts beyond, while the
ligation of the main tnmk will diminish the quantity of blood and
equalize the arterial and the collateral venous circulation.

First Complete History of the Treatment of Abcesses of the
Liver by Aspiration. Small abcesses of not over one quart are often
cured by a single aspiration.

First to write a Complete History of the Surgical Diseases and
Injuries of the Neck. Each region of the neck is considered separ-
ately. The peculiarities only of diseases are considered. No generali-
ties are mentioned.

First to write a Methodic Description of a Surgical Disease. A
single uniform plan or guide is adopted and is strictly followed in
describing each and every surgical disease.

Devised Souchon's Anesthetizer, an apparatus to inject anesthe-
tic vapors in the lower pharyiix by a rubber tube introduced through
the nose or the mouth. The apparatus is worked by one hand which
presses a bulb and forces the vapor through the tube. Its originality,
lies in its small size and simplicity. Other apparatuses used for this
purpose are large, cltmisy and worked with the foot and bellows.

Devised Speculum Holder for Sims duck bill speculum. An up-
right with a line of nails is screwed to the side of the operating table.
The outside end of the speculum is held by a loop of rubber with a
string to it. The string is woimd around a nail on the upright, It
is quite a help and relief to the assistant who has only to guide the
inside speculum in the proper position.

First Formal Plea for a Reform in Medical Education.

First Formal Plea for a Reform in University Education.

Wrote the first Formal Sanitary Code in America for the Louis-
iana State Board of Health.

Reminiscences of Dr. J. Marion Sims in Paris.

Designed the Floor Plans of the Josephine Hutchinson Memorial
School of Medicine of Tulane University. It is the largest and most
elaborate under one roof medical college in America.

First to write a formal History of the Original Contributions of
America to Medical Sciences.

DR. RUDOLPH MATAS, (New Orleans), "Drum snares,"
solid rings for end-to-end and lateral intestinal anastomosis.

Method of securing circular constriction with fixation pins of the
Auricle, to obtain hemostasis in operations for cavernous and other
angiomas of the Auricle. Pins are inserted around the auricle and an
elastic thread is wovmd around the pins.

Easy method of securing hemostasis in bleeding injuries of the
upper lip in hemophilic subjects. Arrest of hemorrahage by direct

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90 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

elastic compression. An ordinary wide elastic band (stationers) is
adjusted over the lip and fixed by threads to prevent slipping up or
down.

New Method of reducing and securing fixation of displaced
fragment in zygomatic fractures. A long semilimar Hagedom
needle threaded with silk is entered one inch above the middle of the
displaced fragment, is passed well into the temporal fossa, and made
to emerge one-half inch below the arch. The silk is used to pull the
bone into position. A firm pad is applied externally and the wire is
twisted over the pad. On the 9th or 10th day the wire, pad, etc. are
removed permanently.

Adaptation and modification of the Kraske method for cases of
congenital inperforation of the anus.

Modification of the Fell-0'Dwyer apparatus for direct intra-
laryngeal insufflation (first effort to apply positive pressure in the
surgery of the thorax in the United States) for anesthesia in over-
coming surgical pneumothorax.

A new graduated air pirnip for positive pressure in its applica-
tion to medical and surgic^ practice. The Matas-Smyth pump.

An adjustable metallic interdental splint for the treatment of
fracture of the lower jaw.

An apparatus for massive infiltration anesthesia with weak
analgesic solutions.

Original methods of Blocking the Nerves in Regional Anesthesia:
(1) Original method of anesthesia of the forearm and hand by intra-
neural and paraneural infiltration with cocain, novocain, and other
succedanea, into the trunks of the musciilo-spiral, median and lUnar.
This procedure secures complete analgesia of the forearm and hand,
permitting amputations, resections, or any other operation. First
case operated by this method, January, 1898. (2) Regional anesthesia
of the territory supplied by second division of the trigeminus by
blocking the nerve at its exit rotundum, by two routes: (a) By in-
troducing the needle through the spheno-maxillary fissure into the
spheno-palatine fossa and reaching the nerve and even the Gasserian
ganglion through the foramen rutimdom. This route to the superior
maxillary division of the Trigeminus was first applied by Dr. Matas
in removing both upper maxillae for carcinoma, April 29, 1899. This
route is now known as the "Payr route" in Germany, though its ap-
plication has only recently obtained in Germany, (b) The inframa-
lar route to the second and third division appeared also at the same
time (1899) to block the second and third division of the Trigeminus
for operations on the jaw, thus antedating Schlosser and now recog-
nized as the "Matas Route" (see Braun, Lokal Anesthesia, ed. 2,

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Original Contributions of Louisiana to Medical Science 91

1913; also Haertel, loc. cit, 1913). Original account of these and
other procedures described by Dr. Matas. See Phi. Med. Jo., Nov.
3, 1900.

Was also the first to apply spinal subarachnoid anesthesia for
surgical purposes in the United States (Nov. 10, 1899) though Leonard
Coming of New York had applied it for medical purposes in 1886,
and had laid the foundation for the surgical procedure. A Bier, then
of Kiel, Germany, first introduced and resorted to it for surgical
purposes' in April, 1899 (see Phil. Med. Jo., Nov. 3, 1900).

An operation for the radical cure of aneurism by endo-aneuris-
morrhaphy with intrasaccular suture ("The Matas Operation"),
first applied in March, 1888. In this, three different methods are
described for the first time: (1) Obliterative; (2) Restorative; (3)
Reconstructive Endo-aneurismorrhaphy. 225 operations by these
methods were reported in August, 1913, to the 17th International
Congress of Medicine, London.

The flexible, flat, removable aluminum band for the occlusion of
large surgical arteries (with Dr. Carroll W. Allen). **Matas-Allen
Band." For testing the efficiency of the collateral circulation in the
circle of Willis and other parts (a modification of the Halsted
band).

A method of testing the efficiency of the collateral circulation as
a preliminary to the occlusion, of the great surgical arteries. Hy-
peremia reaction or living color test, (used on the extremities):
Complete ischaemia of the limb is obtained by elevation and appli-
cation of an elastic bandage to the level of the lesion. Then a Matas
compressor is applied to the proximal side and as near the aneurism
as possible, until the aneurism is absolutely stilled, and is allowed
to remain from six to ten minutes. Immediately on removal of the
elastic bandage, the compressor being still in place, a hyperemic
flush descends the limb rapidly. The digits retain a cadaveric, waxy
lifeless palor for several seconds, which may be prolonged to ten to
forty minutes or even longer, according to the development of the
collaterals. If there is no collateral circulation, the limb will remain
ischaemic.

The second test is based on the premliinary occlusion of the main
artery with the pliable and removable aluminum band, which can be
removed in 56 hours without injury to the vessel in the event of
manifestations of ischaemic phenomena; for example, hemiplegia,
stupOT, and coma after the obliteration of the common carotid
artery.

A method for reducing the calibre of the thoracic aorta by pli-
cation or unfolding of its walls by means of lateral parietal suture

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92 . The Louisiana I^istpricQl,QtMrterIy * .

applied in one or more stages. (An experimental investigation with
Dr. Carroll W. Allen.)

Direct duodenal catheterization through the gall bladder and
common duct for nutrient and medicinal purposes (an extension of
McArthur's gall bladder drip).

A simple expedient in treating complicated ifractures of the lower
jaw in conditions forbidding the use of splints or intrabuccal pros-
thesis (with Dr. L. Landry). Four or j5ve turns of a thin Esmarch
bandage are taken arovmd the face and jaw from the bregma to the
chin and vmder jaw; this is fixed by a bandage passed around the fore-
head to prevent slipping. Immobilizes the fragments after reduction;
assists materially in getting rid of swelling and edema.

The prophylaxis of post-operative tetanus based upon proper
dietetic measures, and upon contamination of the alimentary canal
with Tetanus bacillus introduced in vmcooked vegetable foods.

Dr. Matas has devised a special Rachitome which he uses with
advantage in performing laminectomy for extensive spinal lesions.
This is a simple but very strong chisel with a short powerful cutting,
tooth prolonged into a long curved metallic handle. The chisel has
enormous strength and leverage and can cut a continuous linear
section through the laminae in a very short time without injury to
the dura.

Dr. Matas has also devised and uses with advantage a special
long suture carrier which greatly facilitates tl^e tacking of the omen-
tum or mesentery in making colonic or other visceral suspensions for
prolapsed stomach, colon, etc. It permits of an extensive suturing
of distanced displaced organs through a comparatively small median
incision. In this way a colonic suspension may be made in the course
of a pelvic operation through a siiort and low laparotomy incision
with little additional traimia or intraperitoneal manipulation.

In an exhaustive monograph on the surgical treatment of ano-
rectal tmperforation (congenital) Dr. Matas laid special stress upon
the advantages of the perineo-cocygeal route and described a pro-
cedure which he first applied with decided success in a case of im-
perforated anus with a high placed enteron. In this case the distended
gut was brought down from a high position in the pelvis by a partial
Kraske, which allowed it to be pulled down to the proctodeum or
infundibulum, to which it was sutured by a lateral anastomosis. In
this way the sphincter fibres of the anal region are preserved and a
better chance of rectal control is obtained.

Dr. Matas says that his effort to simplify the cure of aneurism by
the principles involved in the modem treatment of aneurisms, and
his insistance upon the security of studying the conditions of the

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Original Cohntributiorts t>f Louisiana lo Medical Science 93

collateral and peripheral circulations befot'e attempting the per-
manent occlusion of the great surgical arteries; and by which the
efficiency or inefficiency of the collateral circulation can be deter-
mined, — are the contributions which he would prefer to have recog-
nized.

DR. ARTHUR WASHINGTON DE ROALDES was the first
to establish a Nose, Eye, Ear and Throat Hospital in the South, from
the Atlantic to the Pacific and from St. Louis to the Gulf.

DRS. F. W. PARHAM and E. D. MARTIN devised a new
treatment for fractxires. It consists in a band that fits snugly around
any tmevenness of the bones. Especially useful in the treatment of
oblique fractures.

DR. CHARLES WARREN DUVAL, (New Orleans), claims to
be the first to obtain the bacillus of Leprosy in pure culture. Sub-
cutaneous leprous nodules are removed imder sterile conditions, cut
into small bits and planted aerobically on a mediimi of split protein
products. After removal it is autolized by adding some proteoly-
tic bacteriimi or allowing the tissue to slowly disintegrate imder
sterile conditions at 37 C. for several weeks, then extracting the juice
by Berkfeld filtration.

Dr. Duval has discovered the causal agent of Infantile diarrhea
or Summer Complaint and proved that it is a bacillus belonging to the
dysentery group.

DR. WILLIAM HERBERT HARRIS, (New Orleans): Pro-
duction of Pellagra in the Monkey by a Berkefeld filtrate derived
from himian lesions. The filtrate was injected hypodermically.

DR. MAURICE COURET, (New Orleans), demonstarted that
the fish is the host of the bacillus of leprosy. The fish were inocu-
lated simultaneously with a bacterial emulsion Of bacillus leprae.
Fish were fed on himian leprosy nodules and the flesh of infected
fish. All the bacilli multiplied in the fish and were harbored by them
without apparent discomfort or outward evidence of the disease.

DRS. CHARLES CASSEDY BASS and FOSTER MATTHEW
JOHNS, (New Orleans), were the first to cultivate the Plasmosiiun
of Malarial Fever. They showed that when blood with Plasmodium
was heated to a certain temperature the Plasmodium continued to
live for a certain time but would eventually die. By adding some
dextrose the Plasmodium continued to live and multiplied.

They have studied specially the influence of emetine and ipecac
as a specific remedy against the protozoon of pyorrhea alveolaris,
specially proper dose, best method of administration, duration of
treatment and prevention of lapse or reinfection.

DR. MARION SIMS SOUCHON, (New Orleans), was the first

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94 The Louisiana HtsUnical Quarterly

to remove a urinary calculus from the vesical pcMtion of the ureter
through the perineal route. He was guided by the touch through the
rectum and through the wound.

DR. ROBERT CLYDE LYNCH, (New Orleans), claims to be
the first to remove a tumor whole from the larynx. Also to be the
first to have sutured a surgical wound in the interior of the larynx.

MR. LLOYD ARNOLD, (New Orleans), is the first to demon-
strate the occurrence in the human ovary of several ova in the same
follicle. The work was done under the direction of Professor Irving
Hardesty in the Laboratory of Anatomy at Tulane University.

DR. CARROLL WOOLSEY ALLEN, (New Orleans,) is the
first to publish the only thorough book on Local Anesthesia in the
English language.

DR. ANSEL MARION CAINE, (New Orleans), devised a
warm ether apparatus, without using a flame. The apparatus con-
sists of a bellows worked by foot pressure which vaporizes the ether.
The vapor is driven through a coil of pipe enclosed in a metal recep-
tacle containing acetate of soda. This receptacle is immersed in
boiling water for fifteen minutes before using and the soda will retain
the heat for several hours. The vapor driven through the heated
coil is delivered warm to the patient.

DR. HENRY DICKSON BRUNS, (New Orleans), was the
first to devise a tucking operation for shortening any one of the
straight muscles of the eye.

DR. OSCAR DOWLING was the first in the Southwest to equip
a Health Car for the Louisiana State Board of Health and with it to
travel over the country to perform the true functions of a State
Beard of Health, i. e. to teach the people how to preserve and improve
their health. * '

DR. STANFORD CHAILLE JAMISON was the first to dis-
cover that when the large splenic vessels were ligated, the spleen
would not slough if it were covered by omentimi.

THE STATE OF LOUISIANA is the first and only State to
establish and maintain a Leprosarium (Leper's Home).
Tulane University, St. Charles Avenue,
New Orleans.

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THE HISTORY OF LOUISIANA AND SOME
OF ITS LEADING FAMILIES

Charles Gayarre, our great Louisiana historian, did well in his
intioductory words to the first volume of his History of Louisiana,
when he entitled it ''The poetry or the romance of Louisiana.*' The
legends and stories of nearly 300 years were under consideration and
certainly nowhere in the western world could a greater amount of
romance and legend be got together than from the records of our
early history.

While much romance attaches to the early days of the settle-
ments on the Atlantic coast, to the Pilgrims in New England, the
Dutch in New York, the Quakers and Germans in Pennsylvania,
the Catholics in Maryland, the Cavaliers in Virginia and the Scotch-
Irish of North Carolina, still we believe that we find much more
romance in Colonial Louisiana.

The French were endeavoring to build a new France on the
St. Lawrence in lower and upper Canada. The French explorations
of the great Lakes and their tributaries, of the upper Ohio and the
settlements made by them at Fort Duquesne, now Pittsburgh, and
also at Gallipolis, further down the Ohio, and also at Terre Haute
and Vincennes on the Wabash and at St. Louis and many towns on
the upper Mississippi, all contribute to this end. France, however,
had already established a Louisiana colony in the lower end of the
Mississippi River. When the English expelled the Acadians from
Nova Scotia in 1755 these exiles proceeded towards Louisiana,
finally. reaching their fellow countrymen and made settlements in
Pointe Coupee, Avoyelles and in the Teche country. With these
refugees from Nova Scotia there came later refugees from San Do-
mingo and immigrants from the French West Indies. With the
transfer of Louisiana to Spain in 1762 thousands of immigrants of
high and low degree came from Spain and Spanish colonies to Lou-
isiana. With the sale of Louisiana by Napoleon Bonaparte to Presi-
dent Jefferson and its transfer from Spain to France and from France
to Louisiana in 1803, the Louisiana territory in general and the
island city of New Orleans in particular became the mecca of many
venturesome Americans. At that time the McCall family of Phila-
delphia were merchants in New Orleans and later the owners for a

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96 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

century of the famous Evan Hall plantation and there were scores
of other families equally prominent, the records of which we shall
hope to incorporate in subsequent issues of the Louisiana Historical
Quarterly.

We have been interested in the history of the Pitot family and
the Montegut family. Mr. Jjmies Pitot, the grandfather of Mr.
Gustave Pitot, was the first mayor of New Orleans imder the American
domination. Mr. Armand Pitot, the son of Mr. James Pitot, was
one of Louisiana's most distinguished lawyers in 1860 and died some
twenty-five years ago. 'Mr. Gustave Pitot is manager of the Savings
Department of the Citizens' Bank of Louisiana, one of the oldest
financial institutions. The ancestors of the Montegut family are
represented in a large picture hanging in the Louisiana Historical
Society's rooms in the Cabildo on the rear wall of the Sala Capi-
tulaire.

The picture has been an heirloom in the Pitot family and was
confided to the keeping of Mr. Gustave Pitot's mother who was a
Montegut. At her death it was taken by Mr. Gustave Pitot and kept
by him until transferred to the Louisiana Historical Society in whose
hands he considers it better for the information of the Montegut
family and others who might be interested in the old Louisiana
families.

We insert herein below a personal letter from Mr. G. Montegut
of Houma, Louisiana, to Mr. Gustave Pitot of New Orleans which
throws some light on the subject.

HOUMA, LA., February 5, 1917.
My dear Gus:

I am glad you contemplate writing up the genealogy of our family. You will
find it exceedingly interesting. Let me tell you what I know about them.

Practically, the Creole families of Ix>uisiana all descend from the old French
nobility. Before the Revolution, the great mass of the French people could procure
no pass-ports, therefore could not emigrate. They had no family names. For in-
stance, one was a baker named Pierre. He was known as Pierre le boulanger, which,
later on, evolved into the Boulanger family. Another named Jean, lived at the foot
of a bridge. He was known as Jean du pcmt, — ^whence evolved the Dupont family,
&c. &c. ad infinitum.

After the Revolution they flocked to America and Louisiana on account of the
French language and Catholic religion was an attraction to them. Many went also
to New York, Philadelphia. New Jersey and Delaware. Many of that class wctc
descends^nts of Serfs who took the names of the Seigneurs, their masters.

The old Cr^le families, due to their high sense of modesty and horror of any-
thing pretentious, neglected their genealogies. Some of them associated with
Royalty. Our grand uncle Jos. Rofignac; passing through Paris on his way to An-
gouleme, was invited with his family, by the King of France, to a breakfast at the

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Louisiana Families 97

palace, and received from the Royal family, the expression of their high consideration
for our family, whose hospitality the King enjoyed during his exile in Louisiana.
The Monteguts are of Norman origin. At the invasion of Italy by the Normans,
(in the 8th century, I think) many of them came to, and remained in Italy, and mixed
with the latin blood. This accoimts for the blue eyes and blondes found in the north
of Italy and nimierously in Sicily. Shakespeare was encouraged in his researches
by the Venetiair authorities, and there found the data for his "Romeo and Juliet,"
representing respectively, the Montaigues and the Capulets. The name was also
known in Italy as Monta-cute.

From Italy some of them went to the south of France, which, Accounts for our
family at Armagnac near Toulouse. In an edition of "Guide du Voyageur en France,'*
we are informed that, ''dans le jardin d'une maison de campagne est le tombeau du
roi Alphonse d'Aragon, tue a la bataille de Muret en 1214, dans le pare du chateau
de Montegut-Segla, ou existe une source minerale qui opere une action sedative
sur le systeme nerveur." This is on the road from Toulouse to Bayonne.

Our great grand-father Dr. Jos. Montegut came to Louisiana about 1760 and
married Francoise De Lisle Dupart, a Creole, whose parents were also natives. Her
mother was Amoult, (DeLisle Amoult) and it is from the Amoults that we are re-
lated to the Waggamans. One of the Duparts was burned at the stake, in the wars
with the Natchez. The Duparts, De Lisle, Amoult, St. Amant and Waggamans, all
related to us, were prominent colonists.

I recall a day, many years ago, as I was walking leisurely on Canal street, I met
my lamented friend, Henry Castellanos. After greeting me with his usual warmth,
he said, "Gabe, I want to write up the Charity Hospital, can you give me any inter-
esting data on the subject?" I answered, I knew very little about its early history.
He said, "Ah, you Creoles, you are alike. Why, my dear friend, your great grand-
father, Don Jose Montegut (so called in Spanish days) was the first resident physi-
cian of the Charity Hospital."

Our uncle Jos. Rofignac who, was Mayor of New Orleans four terms, from 1820
to 1828, married his daughter. Uncle Edgard was Mayor of New Orleans in 1844,
and clerk of the Criminal Court several terms.

I took issue with Prof. Fortier some years ago when he wrote in his history of
Louisiana that Etienne DeBore was the first American Mayor of New Orleans. I told
him, he was not. That my great grand-father Jacques Pitpt, was the first American
Mayor of New Orleans. That DeBore was the French Mayor, a "hold over" at the
time of the cession, and that, when the municipal government of New Orleans was or-
ganized under American auspices. Governor Claiborne appointed Jacques Pitot,
Mayor, therefore the first American Mayor. He was subsequently Judge of the
Probate Court, with a jurisdiction from the Balize to Baton Rouge. And your father,
his son, was clerk of the Supreme Court.

There is a good sprinkling of military blood in our veins. My maternal grand-
father, your father's cousin, Alphonse Desmare, belonged to Napoleon's Guaid of
Honor, and Napoleon selected them from the old families, la "vielle noblesse. " He left
the military school in France at 18 years of age and followed the Eagles of France, from
Wagram to Waterloo. Your maternal and my paternal grand-mother was Rose
Gabrielle Nicolas de St. Cerran, a refugee from the negro insurrection of St. Domingo.
Major Davezac, judge advocate of Jackson's army, was her cousin, and his sister
married Edw. Livingston, who was also on Jackson's staff. Our uncle Remond
Mont^^t, commanded an artillery Co. at the battle of New Orleans. Edw. Living-
ston and his wife were my father's God Father and God Mother.

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98 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

The Bourgeosie of France has evolved into a great element, a superior branch of
human civilization and progress. Its importance commenced under Louis XIV.
Previously it was only a germ. There existed no monopolies, but many fabricants,
such as jewellers, verriers, shoe makers, bakeries, confectioneries, tailors, pemi-
guiers, &c.

Napoleon encouraged them, made them Kings and Marshals of France, and
under the splendor of his military domination, they amalgamated extensively with the
**old noblesse," of which many were converted from Royalists to Imperialists.

Our honored and beloved cousin, Gustave LeGardeur, also Edgar Grima and
his bright and amiable nephew* Alfred, may add much interesting data, relating to
the Rofignacs, Neurice and Clanmagerant.

The property on Royal street measur\ng 80 feet on Royal going to St. Anne,
belonged to our great grand-mother's, and was allotted to the Rofignacs in the parti-
tition. They resided there during the gayeties of the winter season, and returned
to their plantation, adjoining the Marigny property, in the summer time.

I desire to mention also that our grand-father (Montegut) established a sugar
plantation in the Parish of Plaquemines and named it "St. Sophie," after our dear
tante Sophie, our grand-mother's sister. There is a settlement and post office there
now known as St. Sophie. I am pleased to mention this, to show that our family
felt an interest in the sugar industry when in its infancy. Our grand-father died in
1814, so you see, that is a long time ago.

Referring to our Civil War our family was Confederate to the core, none more so.
*The Orleans Guard Battery," conmianded by Gustave LeGardeur, represented
the cream, the fine upper crust of the Creole society of New Orleans, and no command
behaved with more courage and valor.

Ton ami de coeur,

GAEL

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THE ORLEANS TERRITORY MEMORIALISTS
TO CONGRESS, 1804.

By Everett S. Brown

The form of government provided for Orleans Territory by the
Breckinridge Act of March 26, 1804, was a great disappointment
to the inhabitants of the territory i. They had expected a larger
share of self-government than that granted to them. Governor
Claiborne reported that the prohibition of the importation of slaves
into Louisiana from outside the United States had caused great
agitation. The people considered it a serious blow at the commercial
and agricultural interests of the province. The importation of
foreign slaves into South Carolina served to increase discontent,
for the inhabitants of Orleans Territory generally could not be made
to understand the power of the state authorities with regard to the
importation of such persons^. A mass meeting was held to protest
to Congress on the question of the»slave-trade, commercial restric-
tions, and government in general, and a committee was appointed
to draw up a memorial^.

In due time the memorial was put into circulation. Governor
Claiborne, after seeing one sheet of the original, stated it to be in
the handwriting of Edward Livingston. He did not doubt that all
of it had been written by Livingston, with the aid of Daniel Clark
and Evan Jones^. If Claiborne's information is correct, there were
not many people present at the meeting held for the drawing-up of
the memorial. The meeting at which it was adopted was much
more largely attended, however. The memorial was afterwards
carried through the territory and Claiborne says that many signed
without reading it, while others did so with no understanding of its
contents. The names of others were affixed without their seeing it.
Some of the Loui^anians thought their grievances were real, others
were made to think so. Claiborne's opinion was that few were really
interested in the fate of the memorial except as it related to the African

1— For the act see Statutes at Largt, II, 283.

2— Claibome to Madison, March 10, 1804, Claiboriu*s CoTTtspondenee relatite to Louisiana, VoL I,
(Bureau of Rolls and Library of the State Department, Washington, D. C.)

3— Claibome to Madison, March 16, 1804, Ibid. The committee was composed of Jones, Living-
tton, Pitot and Petit.

4— Qaibome to Madison, July 13, 1804, (Private). Madison MSS., XXVI (Librarv of Congress).
Abo, Claibome to Madison, July 26, 1804, Claiborne's Correspondence relatiee to Louisiana, Vol, II,

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100 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

slave-trade. He did not expect any disturbance if the memorial
were denied*.

The memorial to Congress having been duly circulated and the
names attached, three agents were selected to bear it to Washington.
They were Messrs. Pierre Derbigny, Jean Noel Destrfehan and Pierre
Sauv6. Claiborne considered Derbigny **a man of good information,
and I believe of strict integrity; pleased with the principles of our
Government but much attached with his native country" (France).
Destr^an he characterized as **a Frenchman in politics and aflfec-
tion," ''one of the tools of M. Laussat and greatly mortified at the
cession of Loxiisiana to the United States." Destrfehan would en-
deavor to be the most prominent man in the mission. Sauv6 was
"an able good man, a wealthy planter imiversally esteemed by his
neighbors and will be a good citizen under our Government; but I
fear he will take little part in the agency." All were warm advocates
of the slave-trade^.

An interesting picture of the memorialists in Washington, never
before printed, is given by Senator William Plumer of New Hamp-
shire, who, with Senator Pickering of Massachusetts and others,
entertained them at dinner. Plumer describes them as follows:

They are all Frenchmen — the two first (Derbigny and
Sauve) speak our language fluently. They are all gentlemen
of the first respectability in that country. Men of talents,
literature and general information — men of business, and
acquainted with the world. I was much gratified with their
company — they had little of French frippery about them.
They resemble New England men more than the Virginians.

Sauv6 is the eldest — he has lived in that country 21 years.
He was a merchant, but is now a planter. He had this year
150 acres of sugar cane. He has a wife and four children.

Destrehan is a native of that place but was educated in
Paris. He can speak very little of our language. He has a
wife and six or eight children. He has a fine promising son
who has accompanied him hither. He was a merchant, but
is now a planter, and has this year 2(X) acres of sugar cane.
He says it will take 60 negroes to manage it and that his
ground generally produces on an average by the acre one
hogshead of sugar weighing 12(X) poimds and a hogshead of
molasses.,

Derbigny is the youngest. He has lived in that coimtry
fourteen years, and has a family. He is a man of Science — of
real talents and very general information for his age. He is
very shrewd — converses with ease and great propriety.

5— Claiborne to Jefferson, October 27, 1804, JeJSerson MSS., Letters received at Washington, 2nd
Series, XXIX; also Claiborne to Madison. November 5, 1804 (Private), Madison MSS., XXVl.

6— Claibome to Madison. July 13. 1804 (Private). Madison MSS., XXVI.

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New Orleans Territory Memorialists to Congress 101

They complain in decent but firm language of the gov-
ernment that Congress established over them at tJie last
session. They say nothing will satisfy that people but an
elective government. That under the Spanish government
they paid only six per cent duty upon their imports and ex-
ports; and the whole charge of their religion and government
was then supported by Ae Crown. That the duties they
now paid are greater than what they then paid, and are
themselves beside obliged to support their religion and internal
government. So that they now pay more money for public
uses than when they were subjects of a royal government,
and enjoy less real liberty. That Claiborne, their present
governor, is imable to speak a word of French, the language
that is most generally used in that coimtry. That the pro-
ceedings in the courts of law are in a langiiage that most of
the people do not imderstand, that they have in many instances
been convicted of breeches of laws the existence of which
they were ignorant. That Claiborne is incompetent to dis-
diarge the duties of Government.

That the President had selected some very respectable
men whom he has appointed members of the L^slative
Coimcil. That out of these all except three have positively
declined the appointments. That no man who wishes to en-
joy the friendship and esteem of the people of that coimtry
can accept of an office imder the existing system of govern-
ment.

They say that they have visited Mr. Jefferson — that he has
not made any enquiries of them relative either to their govern-
ment, or the civil or natural history of their country. That
he studiously avoided conversing with them upon every sub-
ject that had relation to their mission here.

They say that the city of New Orleans is situated on the
banks of the Mississippi — that those banks are froni one
hundred to 120 feet deep, and that a considerable part of the
city is in danger of being imdermined by the stream — the
land being sandy. That it will require immense expense to
secure the town — ^that they must either sink rafts covered
with rocks on the bank next to the city, or cut down the
bank on the opposite side of the river. That the coimtry
aroimd the city and for a very considerable distance up the river
is very good land for the width, on an average, of three quarters
of a mile from. the nver — ^that beyond that distance from the
river much of the land is a sunken swamp. That there is in
•the Country a considerable of good upland. That they speak,
in common language, of mensuration by the acre, not by the
mile — ^that is by the square side of the acre^.

J---^V111iam Plumer. "Memorandum of the Proceedings of Congress," December 15, 1804. For
\|}f]^J|^ mformation concerning the journal kept b^ Senator Plumer see my introduction to The SencU
5^^< on Breckinridge Bill for the Government oj Louisiana, 1804, in American Historical Review,
XXII. 341 Uanuary, 1917).

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102 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

The memorial was presented to the Senate on December 31,
1804, by Giles of Virginia^. Both houses of Congress took action
and a bill much more liberal in its provisions than the Breckinridge
Bill of 1804 was rushed through in the closing hours of the session
and was approved by the President on March 2, 1805®.

Upon their return home, Derbigny, Destrfehan and Sauve re-
ported, May 2, 1805, on their experience in Washington. They ad-
mitted failure to obtain all they had asked for, and objected to the
arbitrary setting of the number of inhabitants required for state-
hood at sixty thousand; this, however, though arbitrary, was not
irrevocable. The right to initiate laws had been gained. Although
the Senate was opposed, the House had been willing to grant milimit
ed right of self-government, an encouraging sign^^.

Derbigny, Destr6han and Sauve had not made their journey in
vain, for although it Was to be several years before Orleans Territory
entered the Union as a State, the memorialists had obtained a prom-
ise of such an admission upon the fullfilment of certain definite con-
ditions. In the meantime, the inhabitants were allowed more of a
voice in their own political affairs than formerly.

8 — ^For the full text of the memorial, see Anuriean State Papers, Miscellaneous, I, 396-399; Annals
cj Congress, 8 Cong., 2 Sees. (1804-1805), Appendix, 1597-1606.

&— Text of the act in Lews of the United States, III, 648-650.
10— -Louisiana Gautte, June 11, 1805, (Translated from the Moniteur.)

EVERETT S. BROWN.
University of California,
Department of History,
Berkeley, California.
March 9, 1917.

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Abstracts of French and Spanish Documents Concerning the

Early History of Louisiana.

I.

Delauze. Debts and Last Will, Oct. 17, 1717. Marine Regi-

mental Captain de Lauze, retired from Poitou
Regiment, gives instructions to Mr. Hubert, Direc-
tor for Louisiana Royal Councillor and Commis-
sary, concerning his debts and simdry bequests.
Among the latter he gives a pot of butter to the
Jesuit Fathers. Any residue credit shall be for-
warded to his sister near St. Pierre, at Limoges,
He would exchange swords with Mr. de Mandeville.
(In 1712 Loxiisiana had been made over by charter
to Antoine Crozat a capitalist and favourite at the
Court of France. Bienville had previously (1710)
superseded as Governor by La Mothe Cadillac.
Francois Philippe de Marigny afterwards Chevalier
of St. Louis, was one of the pioneer settlers of
Louisiana. His family figured in the history of the
colony imtil its cession to the United States.)

Promissory Note. "Lille" (Isle.Dauphme), Feb. 7, 1714. Under-
signed Poulousat acknowledged as an emergency
loan from Captain DeLauze, 136 francs and prom-
ises to pay the same or have his father or mother
do so in March next. (Owing to scarcity of food
Bienville in 1711 had removed his garrison from
Fort Louis de la Mobile to Dauphine Island.)

De Lauze Estate. Copy of inventory of estate and sale, Oct. 26,
1717. Word of Captain de Lauze's death was received
by Major de Gauvrit who directed the sealing of goods
and presided at the inventory, at 1 a. m., October 26,
1717. It appears in course of the proceedings that
Mr. Hubert declined to serve as executor. Captain
De Lauze was conmiissioned for service in Louisiana
June 29, 1716. Sale proceedings conducted on
November 3, 1717, and completed November
4th. Total realized 2577 francs. Placed with Major
Gauvrit, executor.
Copied at N. O., July 2, 1725.
Copying fee and papers, 4 piastres.

De Lauze Estate. Post, October 17, 1717. La Croix, drummer, ac-
knowledges item of 15 francs for having beaten the

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104 The Louisiana Historical Qmrierly

drum at the auction of the late Captain De Lauze's
goods. **0n which I have received ten francs: I
am due five francs." (Sale occurred on November
3rd and 4th, 1717. 175 pp. 11, 19.)

De Lauze. Memorandum of Account. De Lauze to Roger, 1717.
Itemized list of Mr. De Lauze's debts to Mr. Roger;
first entry May 10, 1717. Items include olive oil,
candles, dry goods, ammunition, flour, household
sundries. Total bill 1688 francs. Certified by Mr.
Duval, New Orleans, Sept. 4, 1725.

De Lauze Estate Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Nov. 4, 1717. Pierre
Roy to Major Gauvnt for seven francs and four
sous, bequeathed by the late De Lauze.

De Lauze Estate. Memorandum of Account. Isle Dauphine, Dec.
3, 1718. Itemized lists of charges against Messrs.
De Lauze & Gauvrit "for what they obtained in the
store of Monsieur Crozat" (Glassware, flour, can-
dles, soap, nails, brandy, salt, linen). Total bill
191 francs. Certified and receipted by Roger, guard
of Loxiisiana Company's stores

De Lauze Estate Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Dec. 12, 1718. Under-
signed Des Brosses to Mr. Goverit 56 francs by way
of inventory fees, on account of De Lauze estate.

De Lauze Estate Receipt. Post, Oct. 17, 1717. Undersigned F.
Le Maire, Apostolic Missionary Priest, acknowl-
edges receipt of 66 francs for burial services and
Mass fees on account of Infantry Captain De Lauze,
from Mr. Gauverit. Note by the latter stating
that Monsieur L. Maire owes nothing. Reverse
data show that Monsieur Le Maire bought four
pounds of pepper, a book, salt cellars and two oil
cruets at the sale of De Lauze's goods; total bill
being 18 francs.
(F. Le Maire, **a virtuous priest who resigned a good
position at Paris . . to come to America to announce
the gospel to the Indians, .for several years in the
mission in Louisiana, .acted as chaplain to the fort
in Mobile." The Catholic church in colonial days.)

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Dec. 24, 1717. La
Chevaliere to Major Gauvrit, three piastres for bill
of washing rendered before and after death of
Captain De Lauze.

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Feb. 10, 1718. La
Douceur, signing for Bellegrade "Not knowing to
write," three piastres to Major Gouvery, on ac-
count of what is due him for baking three barrels of
flour in the service of Messrs. de Gouvery & De
Lauze.

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Abstracts from Old Papers 105

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, March 10, 1718. Un-
dersigned Le Beau to Major Gauvrit three piastres
for having shaved Monsieur de Lauze during four
months.

De Lauze Estate. Letter of Plaisance to Mr. Hubert. Isle Dau-
phine, April 8, 1718. Written for Louis de La Force,
alias Plaisance, by Mr. Raguet.

Plaisance was enlisted in the company commanded
by Captain De Lauze, and claims arrears of pay.
Letter addressed to Monsieur Hubert, King's
Councillor Commissary Director of the Province of
Louisiana.

Subjoined order signed Hubert, authorizing due pay-
ment from De Lauze estate funds.

De Lauze Estate. Executor's Statement. Post, Oct. 26, 1717.
Memorandimi of account. De Lauze Estate.
Itemized statement by Executor Mr. De Gauvrit,
of the late Captain De Lauze's company debts;
total 511 francs. There follows a lumped charge of
1688 francs, making aggregate accoimts 2199.
(Possibly the list may prove useful as early cata-
logue of names in Louisiana settlements.)

De Lauze Estate. Money order. Nov. 1717. Undersigned Pierre
Girard asks Mr. De Gauvrit to pay Monsieur de
Montigny the simi of 20 francs and 10 sous from
De Lauze fimds. (Year perforated, but 1717 an-
swers to general situation.)

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Nov. 18, 1717. Un-
dersigned Lindeau to Mr. De Gauvrit, 27 francs for
12 fowls furnished to the late M. De Laiize during
his illness.

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Dec. 17, 1717. Un-
dersigned Paquie to Major Gauvrit two piastres
for making over a mattress which Madame Biazos
lent to late Captain De Lauze.

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, April 14, 1718. Sieur
Thomas, to Mr. De Gauvrit, 7 francs and 4 sous
for serving two days as witness of De Lauze's In-
ventory.

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Mobile, May 6, 1718. Undersigned
Loyard, "of the Company of Jesus," eight francs
from Mr. Gauvrit due from De Laiize Estate.

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, April 24, 1718. Un-
dersigned Bovest to Mr. De *'Goury" ten francs on
behaB of (late) Captain De Lauze. Receipted in
full discharge.

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De Lauze Estate. Fort Loxiis, August 9, 1718. Undersigned Que-
not to M. De Gauvrit seven francs for goods de-
livered to late "Mr." De Lauze. This receipt shall
also cover a larger debt.

De Lauze Estate. Isle Dauphine, Nov. 20, 1718. Tourangeau,
valet of late Captain De Lauze, to M. Gauvrit 100
francs by way of bequest in late Captain's will.

De Lauze Estate. Power of Attorney. Limoges, Sept. 8, 1722.
Demoiselle Leonarde De Lauze, wife of Sieur Bal-
thazar Vaureix, to M. Joseph Sulpice Le Blond de
Latour, for collecting her inheritance, as bequeathed
by her deceased brother, Joseph De Lauze, from
Monsieur de Gauvrit, **Captain of Marine Detach-
ment at New Orleans in the 'Miscipi' Province
Louisiana."

Cattle Dispute Settled Amicably. Mobile, January 16, 1720.
Dominique Belsaguy, guardian of La Loire wards
together with Surgeon Major Manades, husband of
a daughter of La Loire anci Claude Jousset La Loire
son of late La Loire, make friendly settlement with
Messrs. Gauvrit & Zacharie Drapeau with regard
to two cows that had been killed. M. Belsaguy will
pay 20 piastres in specie to each of the contestants.
Signatures: P. Manades, Souses, Drapeau, Raguet.
(Belsaguy could not write.)

Court Martial Sentence. New Orleans, Feb. 23, 1720. Prisoner
Jean Baptiste Pochet of De Gauvrit's company is
convicted of robbery and sentenced to be whipped
by a negro three days and to serve three years as
convict. His clothes shall be confiscated, subject to
abatement of 50 francs fine. Thomas Bachu alias
La Rose is discharged and freed for want of evidence
against him. Signatures: Portier, Sevigny, De-
coublant, Namere, Chevalier, Dupuy, De Beau-
menil.

Sale of Property. New Orleans, Mar. 1, 1721. Francois Duyand,
chief clerk of Company of Indies at Mobile (just
now at N. O.) conveys a staked lot with timber
buildings along the Mississippi road, to Francois
Duval guard of Company stores at N. O. for 1200
francs cash, one room with a fire place, adjoining
kitchen and store room. A good garden fronting
on the Mississippi. Witnessed by P. Auber, Dar-
bonne, Rossard.

Contract of Hired Servant. Fort St. Louis, Nov. 28, 1719. Fran-
cois Hup6 agrees to serve M. Franconis for one year
from date in consideration of 100 francs (in advance)
if need be), plus board in the French manner, four

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Abstracts from Old Papers 107

shirts and lodgment. Engagement may cease after
six months if either party s6 choose; payment then
in proportion. Signatures also include Rochon,
Deschanel, Raguet.
(In 1717 Crozat was relieved of his charter and Lou-
isiana by another charter was made over to the
Company of the West and of the Indies, presided
over by John Law. In 1718, Bienville was rein-
stated as Governor. Owing to his exertions his
scheme of founding a city on the bank of the
Mississippi was accomplished in 1718, when he
with a corps of engineers under de la Tour, laid out
New Orleans on the spot he had chosen years before
It was made the capital of the Province.

Grant of Land. Petition for grant of land, N. O., May 26, 1721.
Undersigned Le Blanc beseeches the Directors
General of Louisiana to cede to him a lot of groimd
adjoining the property of M. Dupuy, on the Mis-
sissippi and beyond the property of M. Caustillos.
M. Le Blanc is custodian of stores at Nfew Orleans
and means to cultivate the grant assiduously.
Conceded 12 acres of the desired territory June 19,
1721. Signed Bienville, Biloxi. Registered, April
9, 1723.
(Monseigneur le Blanc, Secretary of State, according to
Martin, figured on the census table of the province
for 1722, as owner of three important concessions,
in the vicinity of New Orleans; one at the Tchoupi-
toulas three leagues above the City; one at two
leagues above the City; and one seven leagues be-
low the City at the Chouachas.)

Arbitration Verdict Accepted. N. O., July 30, 1722. Messrs.
Guenot de Trefontaine and Jean Baptiste Massy
acting too for their former partner Pierre Guenot
and also M. Pierre Ceard, director on behalf of a
certain Ste Renne grant belonging to Messrs. Lioly
& Co., ratify ^an arbitration sentence reached by
Messrs. DuBuisson & Treboul on July 29, witnessed
by Duflos, Huer, and Rossard, Notary.
(The Ste Renne grant imder the Louisiana charter,
was at the Tumcas, a site on the Mississippi above
Baton Rouge.)

Criminal Trial. Nov. 17, 1722. Examination of one Laborde on
charge of assassinating one Pontuel. Answers that
he shot Pontuel to avoid being shot by the latter,
already aiming. Hearing conducted by Councillor
Suillet.

Receipt Fort St. Louis, March 3, 1722. Masclary has re-

ceived of the Abbe d'Arquevaud the sum of 330

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francs in notes full payment of a negro (male)
child; the same being ceded to him by M. Du
Vergier. Collated at New Orleans, October 8, 1727.
Receipted on behalf of M. St. Martin, absent.

Will. Will of Abbe d'Arquevaux, Yazoo Post, August 11,

1722. Drawn up before Jean Claude Juif, Chaplain
at the Yazoo Post. Principal legatee Madame
Veuve Millon because of her good care of him.
Other provisos in case of her departure for France,
bequests to sundry other persons. Executor
Chaplain Juif. Desires to be buried in front of
Yazoo Fort, near the cross and also near the grave
of former local commander, M. Bizard.

Witnessed under date of August 15, 1722. Filed at
N. O., May 28, 1723, by M. Desfontaine, then
director of the LeBlanc grant.

Attorney General vs. Pasquier, Feb. 11, 1722. De-
cision contingent on examination of Sieur Malon
before M. Fazende, regarding motives of seizure in
question. Costs reserved. Signed: Bienville,
Brusle, Fazende, Perry. Erroneous marginal date,
1729.

Will Confirmed. N. O., Feb. 22, 1723. In suit between Francois
Trudeau, guardian of Jeanne Dardenne, the legatee
of her uncle Louis Burel and Claude Lepannier,
her \mcle and surrogate guardian the Council con-
firms the will of deceased Louis Burel. Agreeably
to its provisos 1000 francs shall be applial to the
support of testator's daughter. Heard before
Councillor Antpine Brusle. Costs divided.

Criminal Trial. N. O., Dec. 23, 1722. Further hearing of Laborde.
He relates past conflict with Pontuel and repeats
the motive of self defense. Hearing conducted by
Councillor Amould Bonnaud.

Petition. N. O., March 23; April 3, 1723. Undersigned LeBlanc
observing that M. Duvergier has duly surveyed his
land and M. Dupuy's, whose bounds are blaced,
beseeches the Commander and the Director ueneral
of the Province to verify these landmarks in order
to avoid future disputes. Council ratifies bounds
marked by M. Duvergier, at N. O., April 3, 1723.
Signatures of Bienville and other Coimcillors.

Lease of Estate for Farming. N. O., May 14, 1723. Francois
Trudeau, guardian of Jeanne Dardenne reports
that he has assembled her kindred and friends
(duly named) with reference to farming some land
of hers along the Mississippi, including negroes and
horses, and that the lease has been formally award-

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Abstracts from Old Papers 109

ed to Jean Laprade for three years. Two-thirds of
the profits shall accrue to Jeanne.

Pedtion for Building Site. April 3, 1723. Pierre Mousel, Com-
pany carpenter asks for a lot on which to build a
house. **He will pray God for your healths and
prosperities." Council allows him site 208 and
refers him to M. De Boispinel, Royal Engineer,
for boundary details. House must stand on line
with street; lot shall be cleared and fenced with
stakes and stumps cut away as far as half the
width of street within three months. Signatures of
Bienville, LeBlond de la Tour, and Estienne.
Mouzel sold the same lot to Joseph de Comet, June
30, 1723. Registered Pec. 29, 1723.

Criminal Trial. N. O., May 20, 1723. Marie Simon Lespronne
aged 12, native of Caux, is examined on charge of
"wholesale" theft of linen goods. She answers that
she stole in obedience to her stepmother, wife of a
brewer Yans (Jans). Case continued and other
parties to be heard. (Court instructions nearly
effaced.)

Criminal Trial. N. O., May 22, 1723. Examination of Madame
Jans, stepmother of Marie Simon Lespronne,
formerly resident of Biloxi. Disclaims complicity
in all its phases.

Criminal Trial Adjourned. N. O., May 21, 1723. Seeing that
Madame Jans is now nursing an infant, the ap-
pointed hearing of the parties supposed to be con-
cerned in larcenies charged to Marie Simon Les-
pronne is postponed.

Criminal Trial. (Larceny case.) N. O., May 22, 1723. Examin-
ation of Marie Rousseau, wife of Georges Ram'ond,
steward and indigo planter of Monsieur de Bien-
ville; also coppersmith by trade. Disclaims knowl-
edge and all complicity as regards larcenies charged
to Marie Simon Lespronne.

Cattle Plunder Reported. N. O., May 24, 1723. M. Antoine
Rivard alias La Vigne, of Bayou St. Jean, Lodges
complaint on account of two runaway Indians be-
longing to M. Coustillas. They have been killing
and eating a rnmiber of cattle in the vicinity of said
Bayou Chaptoulas, and other surrounding parts
these five months past, in decided prejudice to the
colonial establishment.

Procedure Moved. N. O., May 22, 1723. Attorney General
Fleuriaux moves inquiry in regard to nocturnal
robbery on the premises of Mr. Gaspard.

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Testimony Ordered. N. O., May 24, 1723. Councillor Brusle
provides for hearing of witnesses in accord with
motion made by the Attorney General.

Criminal Procedure. May, 25, 1723. Examination of witnesses
in connection with nocturnal robbery at Mr.
Gaspard's. The stolen goods were foimd in a boat
of Mr. I^garde's and the negro in charge of it (Mr.
Ribieux, being master of same) professes to have
received the goods from a negro of the Company.

Criminal Procedure. N. O., May 28, 1723. Chief Warehouse
Guard Armand Bonnaud asks the Superior Council
to institute inquiry over a complaint which he filed
in the recorder's office "today."

Criminal Procedure. N. O., May 28, 1723. Mr. Bonnaud lodges
complaint against one Le Roux for violating the
decrees against wanton shooting of cattle. The
accused shot a cow of Mr. Bonnaud's, and the loss
is both personal and public; public, as demoralizing
the Colony's order.

Criminal Procedure. N. O., May 29, 1723. Inquiry conducted
before Commander General Monsieur de Bienville,
President of Superior Coimcil, in response to com-
plaint of Mr. Bonnaud. First witness Francois
Trudeau, aged 8 or 9 years, had gone for black-
berries in the Bayou quarter, on the feast of Corpus
Christi. Perceived an unknown man shoot at a
black and white cow. Further testimony to like
effect. Signature of Bienville.

Memorandum of Goods. N. O., June 7, 1723. Mr. Gerard Pel-
lerin, guard of Company stores at N. O. makes
formal declaration concerning a consignment of
goods in his charge; the same being seized from
estate of Mr. KoUy, contents included wine, flour,
brandy and other articles belonging to said estate.
(The KoUy concession by the Company of the West
was at the "Tchoupitoulas" three miles above
N.O.)

Petition for Legal Action. July 14, 1723. Joseph Chapron be-
seeches permission to inform against certain par-
in connection with burglary at his house.

Summons of Witnesses. July 14, 1723. Sheriff Charles de la
Moriniere, serves notice on Messrs Barre, Dupuy,
Aubachon and Cemay (elsewhere given Remond,
Brosse, alias Cemay) to appear on the morrow at
8 a. m. in the Council chamber, concerning the
charges lodged by Chapron.

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Abstracts from Old Papers 111

Letter on Foiled Plot. July 29, 1723. Commander de Loubois
writes to Monsieur de Bienville concerning the time-
ly discovered plot of Caron and others. The ring-
leaders are sent under guard to N. O. Not all the
plotters have been seized, as there are no prison
quarters to hold them.

(M. de Loubois, Chev. of St. Louis, was commandant
at Fort Louis, Biloxi. His garrison, as the other
posts in Louisiana, suffered from desertion of soldiers
to the Engli^.)

Financial Motion. N. O., July 12, 1723. Mr. Bru, Colonial cash-
ier, has issued sight bonds to accommodate bor-
rowers. Most of these have been slow to negotiate
the bonds at the treasury, whether in mercantile
notes or in copper. Others are circulating the bonds
on the market. Let the Coimcil correct such irre-
gularity by requiring the bonds to be turned in for
equivalent in trade notes or in copper coin. The
bonds were issued on Sept. 1, 1722 subject to
presentation six or eight days later. The Cashier
wishes to balance his accounts in August.

Robbery Reported. July 13, 1723. Joseph Chapron lodges com-
plaint over the robbery of specified goods and
money at his plantation on past May 28 or 29.
Cash included 40 francs in copper. He has lighted
on a trail of the stolen property and requests investi-
gation. Presumed culprit LeRoy, a locksmith and
his wife, a negress.
(Evidently a slander. Marriage between whites and
negroes was not sanctioned by the church, nor per-
mitted by the government in Loxiisiana.)

Marine Abduction. Foiled. Biloxi, (Fort Louis), July 29, 1723.
Examination of Guillaimie Guiton in regard to a
reported plot of one Caron and others to make off
with long boat Ste. Elizabeth and a laimch com-
manded by Pierre Daimiale, to Carolina. Case
conducted by Jean Bernard Verchurs de Terrepuy,
acting Crown Attorney. Madame Caron is also
implicated.

Marine Abduction Plot. Fort Louis, (Biloxi), July 29, 1723.
Hearing of Marin (La Fontaine) aged about 18,
native of Versailles, a soldier in the company of
Commander Louboy. Admits complicity in the
plot, at instance of Madame Caron. Nine or ten
soldiers ready to take part; the flight was planned
for July 28.

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Letter Signed Bienville. N. O., August 3, 1723. Advising Mon-
sieur de Fleuriaux of transmission of papers from
Commander de Loubois.
(The Superior Council held its sessions now in New
Orleans. Fleuriaux had become Attorney General.)

Letter Signed Bienville. N. O.. August 4, 1723. Recommending
despatch of provisions by dugout of post officer de
Therisse, for the Yazoo post. Monsieur de Bien-
ville would have attended to the business himself,
but was prevented by an attack of "gripes" last
night.
(After the failure of the Company of the West, 1721,
and the bankruptcy of Law, Louisiana had reverted
to the Crown of France. It was divided in 9 civil
districts (one of them the Yazoo) and three eccle-
siastical, the Capuchins, Carmelites and Jesuits.)

Copy of Will of Jacques Le Severre. August 7, 1723. Under-
signed Etienne Bovest, joiner «ind Dupont soldier of
the Natchitoches detachment, certify that they
heard Jacques Le Severre, of Brest, declare it in the
great warehouse hospital, that he willed 1(X) francs
to the Capuchins for prayers in his behalf; and let
his residue funds be sent to his wife and children at
Brest. Subjoined note by Duval Dec. 12, 1724,
stating Uiat he holds the original along with Le
Severre accoimt.

Tixerrant vs. Laurenceau. August 14, 1723. Suit of recovery.
Plaintiff moves to recover property which he sold to
defendant, now removed to Avoyelles, after pro-
test of draft on him for 3727 francs. Item, let
plaintiff have recourse to Laurenceau's partner
LaCroix at Natchez for enjoinment of this year's
crop. Council allows attachment of Laurenceau's
goods and also of this year's crop to the extent of
L's. share. Action further allowed against all con-
cerned until satisfaction be reached. Notice served
on Mr. LaCroix at Natchez, on Sept. 28, 1723.
(Avoyelles (dim: oiavoie, small viper) one of the tribes
living near the mouth of Red River within what is
now Avoyelles Parish, La.)

Testimony Received. Biloxi (Fort Louis), August 17, 1723. Ex-
amination of Pierre Chouvin fifer in Commander
de Loubois company, witnessing against Caron,
company baker and Millat. Caron's wife tried, but
in vain, to engage witness in the plot.

Testimony Received. (Fort Louis), Biloxi, August 17, 1723. Ex-
amination of Jean Daniel, alias, St. Jean soldier of
Commander Loubois' company, concerning de-

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Abstracts from Old Papers 113

sertion plot, He was enticed by Millet to jdn it,
but refrained.

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept 22, 1723. Examix^
ation of Marin La Fontaine. Was afraid to report
the matter to his captain, but asked Guitton to
do so.

Sentence Against Dog and Gat Butcher. Sept. 10, 1723. On
testimony of eig^t inmates of the Hospital to the
effect that one Villeneuve workman of Messieurs the
Engineers, killed a number of dogs and furnished
dog meat to the Hospital (supplid plenty of roast
dog, says one of the witnesses) the Council condemns
ViUeneuve to be paraded and then set for two hours
on the "wooden horse", bearing a "sandwich,"
placarded inscribed in large letters, "Eater of dogs
and cats" ; (and wearing a cat about his neck if one
be found) was the recommendation of Attorney
General Fleuriau. Signatures of Bienville and otibier
Councillors.
(The first record of a hospital in Louisiana, Charity
Hospital of New Orleans, was foimded in 1734.

Petition of Recoyery. Sept. 15, 1723; April 19, 1724. Louis Rich-
ard, Canadian, seeks to collect from Jean Bordier
14 barrels of wheat due on some stakes furn^ed
by L. P. (now at N. P.) to J. B. Action allows.

Testimony in Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 22, 1723. Examin-
ation of Francoic Milliat (so signed) aged 55, native
of Nogent sur Aube and usually resident at Biloxi
Denies complicity with Caron, and professes ignw-
ance of plot.

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 22, 1723. Examin-
ation of Jean Caron, baker, native of Peronne in
Picardy, aged 25 and usually resident at Biloxi.
Professes ignorance of plot and makes denial of all
charges.

Court Order for Summons of Witnesses. Sept. 23, 1723. Coun-
cillor Fazende authorizes notification of witnesses
for session of the morrow morning.

Summons of Witnesses. N. O., Sept. 24, 1723. Sheriff la Morin-
^ iere notifies Jean Daniel, alias St. Jean, and Pierre
Chauvin, alias St. Pierre, to appear at 2 p. m. for
hearing in regard to the recent plot at BUoxi.

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 24, 1723. Examin-
ation of Pierre Chauvin, alias St. Pierre, aged 18,
also of Jean Daniel, aged 25. Chauvin went to buy
bread at CarcMi's and was asked by Madame Caron

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to take part in the proposed desertion. JeanD.was
accosted on the same subject by Milliat.

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O*, Sept 24. 1723. Examin-
ation of Madame Caron. She denied all part in
alleged plot.

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 25, 1723. Further
hearing of Jean Caron, who persists in his denials
and disclaims all thought of plotting.

Testimony of Desertion Plot. N. O., 25, 1723. Further hearing
of Francois Milliat, cook by trade. Persists in de-
nying all part in plot. Attorney General orders re-
view of testimony and confronting of witnesses with
parties accused. (Ragged edges.)

Testimony in Review. N. O., Sept. 25,' 1723. Simdry witnesses*
heard in confirmation of previous evidence against
Caron and his wife and their supposed fellow plot-
ters.

Confronting Process in Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 25, 1723.
Madame Caron brought in by armed escort is con-
fronted with Pierre Chauvin, alias St. Pierre, and
Francois Milliat with Jean Daniel, alias St. Jean.
Madame denies the charges of Chauvin, and Milliat
those of Jean D. Further procedure ordered.

Confronting Process. N. O., Sept. 26, 1723. Madame Caron be-
ing confronted with Marin La Fontaine denies hav-
ing spoken of any plot to him. He persists in the
contrary statement.

Testimony in Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 30, 1723. Guillaume
Guiton examined in review neither augments nor
abates his previous statement.

Confronting Process in Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 30, 1723.
Madame Caron denies the accusation by Guillaume
Guiton. Contradiction as well between Guiton and
La Fontaine.

Testimony in Alleged Plot. N. O., Sept. 30, 1723. Examination
of witness. Antoine Avenelle. He professes ignor-
ance of any plot, refuses to credit witnesses who al-
lege one and is willing to believe Caron and his
wife.

Testimony of Alleged Plot. N. O., Sept. 30, 1723. Examination
once again of Guillaume Guiton (Guitton). Re-
peats details of a proposed flight to Carolina; chief
parties being Caron and wife, Milliat, Avenelle and
three carpenters of the Company. Implicated La
Fontaine, and quotes the latter as reporting 10 or
11 soldiers ready to take part.

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Abstracts from Old Papers 115

Capital Sentence for Murder. N. O., Oct. 1, 1723. A negro be-
longing to M. Delery is condemned to be strangled
for murder of his wife. He shall first be baptized.
M. Delery is entitled to compensation. Memoran-
diun stating delay of execution till the morrow, be-
cause the gallows were not in readiness yesterday.
(M. De Lery was one of the three Chauvin brothers;
Chauvin de Lery, Chauvin de Lafreniere, Chauvin
de Beaulieu. They came from Canada and became
distinguished in the financial and commercial re-
cords of the time. lafreniere, son of the former
was executed by O'Reilly as the leader of the in-
surrection against Ulloa.)

Testimony in Desertion Plot. N. O., Oct. 9, 1723. Renewed ex-
amination of Francois Milliat this time by ques-
tioning process. He received his knowledge of the
projected desertion from Caron's wife, not from
Caron. They were to abduct Daumale's laimch
and escape "to the Engli^." Reports that St. Jean
turned away from the suggestion of joining the
plotters.

Petition for Legal Counsel. Oct. 10, 1723. Caron and his wife
accused of plotting desertion urge the injustice of
procedure in which those accused have no formal
defense on their side. They lay the alleged mischief
to Guiton and request appointment of coimsel in
behalf; also naming witnesses who can serve their
cause.

''Desertion Plot*' Resumed. N. O., Oct. 11, 1723. Examina-
tion of Jean Caron with reference to alleged plot.
All charges denied.

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NOTES

Louisiana Data Recently Acquired by the United States
Concessional Library.

In the Report of the Librarian of Congress for 1916 the follow-
ing item3 are interesting to students of Louisiana history.

The Division of manuscripts reports the acquisition of the
BEAUREGARD LETTER BOOKS AND PAPERS of which a
description is given on page 46, on which it is noted that the papers
of Judge Roman were acqxiired in 1915. It also reports the receipt
of 7000 transcripts from the French Archives Nationales, being
correspondence between Home Officers and Colonial Officials of
Louisiana, chiefly with Bienville from 1731 to 1751, also 10,000
pages of Spanish transcripts from, the Archives of the Indies at
Seville.

The Division of Maps and Charts reports the acquisition of a
great mmiber of atlases containing separate and included maps of
Louisiana of earlier dates. Among the separate maps accessioned
were a large colored map of New Orleans in manuscript, a view of
New Orleans in 1852 published by D. W. Moody, drawn by Hill
and Smith, a map of the State of Louisiana in 1838 by Catesby
Graham, the Territory of Orleans 1805 by B. Lafon. This report
notes maps which have been foimd in other libraries and of which
efforts will be made to procure photographic copies for the Depart-
ment.

Fleuve St. Louis ci-devant Mississippi releve par le sieur Diron

Tan 1719, depuis la Nouvelle-Orleans jusqu'au village Cahokia.

Original in Bibliotheque nationale, Pans.
Carte nouvelle et tres exacte d'une partie de la Louisiane et de Tisle

de Cuba en 1718. Original in Depart, de la marine, Paris.
Carte du golfe de Mexique et des isles de Barlovento par Juan las

Caiz a la Vera Cruz, 1718. Original in Depart, de la marine,

Paris.
Parie de la cpste de la Floride ou se trouve Tembouchure de la riviere

de MississippL.....Paris, Moullart-Sanson, 1719. Original in

Biblio. natiomde, Paris.
Carte de la cote de la Louisiane depuis Tembouchure du Miss, jusqu'a

la baye de S. Joseph, 1719-1720. Original in Depart de la

marine, Paris.

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Historical Data Acquired by the Congressional Library 117

Carte nouvelle de la partie de Touest de la province de la Louisiane.

sur les observations et decouvertes du sieur Benard de la Harpe,

1720. Original in Depart, de la marine, Paris.
Carte de la coste de la Lomsiane depuis la baye de St Louis jusqu'a

celle de St. Joseph, 1719-1720, par Devin. Original in Biblio,

nationale, Paris.
Carte reduite des isles de TAmerique it du golfe du Mexeque .par

Philippe Buache, 1724. Original in Depart, de la marine, Paris.
Map of East and West Florida .par Charles Cloard, 1739. Original

in Depart, de la marine, Paris.
Plan de la partie de la province de la Louisiane (1762.) Original

in Depart, de la marine, Paris.
Carte du Golfe du Mexique et des Antilles, 1696. Juan Bisente.

Original in Depart, de la marine, Paris.
Plan de la cote et des environs du Mississippi, 1699. Original in

Depart, de la marine, Paris.
Carte de la cote et des environs du fleuve Mississippi, 1699. Original
P^m in Depart, de la marine, Paris.
Partie de TAmerique septentrionale ou est comprise la Nouvelle

France,.par Jean Baptiste Louis Franquelin. 1699. Original in

Depart, de la marine, Paris.

In the general list of accessions are named a New Orleans tax
receipt of 1840 and portions of four bills issued by the Parish of St.
Tammany as money in 1862.

P. 220 Louisiana: John de Neufville & Sons, circular letter to
the merchants of the United States with list of prices current in
Amsterdam, 1783, Feb.; Particulars of affairs at New Orleans, 1862,
April.

The Periodical Division reports the acquisition of the following
Southern newspapers of the Civil War Period.
New Orleans True Delta, February 9, 1864.
Opelousas Courier, April 25, 1863, (printed on wall paper.)

WILLIAM BEER.

XXX

»

Annual Report of the American Historical Association.

The recently issued first volume of the Annual Report of the
American Historical Association for the year 1914, contains the
following note of interest to the members of the Historical Society.

On page 69, the American Historical Association at its meeeting
November 28, 1914, reports the receipts of invitation to send dele-
gates to the celebration of the one himdredth anniversary of the
Battle of New Orleans xrnder the auspices of the Louisiana Historical
Society.

In the Report of Work in 1914 on catalogue of doctmients in

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118 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

French Archives relathig to the History of Mississippi Valley for
which work the Louisiana Historical Society contributed $200, Mr.
Leland reports:

"In the Colonial Archives the most important work has been
the searching of the series for Martinique and Santo Domingo.
Some 226 volumes have been examined, and the work is being con-
tinued to include the series for all the French West Indies. They
contain a considerable amoimt of material relating to conmierce
with Louisiana, to the supply of provisions, to vessels bound to or
from Louisiana and putting in at Santo Domingo, etc. There have
also been listed the contents of five cartons which serve as a supple-
ment to the main series for Louisiana. Nearly every one of these
doamients, of which there are over 500, is very valuable."

"In the National Archives, properly speaJdng, there have been
foimd a number of edicts relating to Louisiana, as well as many
docimients relating to negotiations imder the Directory touching on
Louisiana. All the American maps in the National Archives have also
been listed— most of them cover, in part at least, the Mississippi
VaUey."

"It should be imderstood that the work has been performed in
conjimction with my work for the Cam^e Institution — a fact which
has made it possible to cover far mare groimd than could have been
done had the Mississippi Valley research been made a distinct and
separate imdertaking."

WM. BEER.

XXX

Some Rare Louisiana Historic Data.

It may not be uninteresting to readers of this Quarterly to note
the following rare piece of Louisiana history showing the interest of
England at that early period in the developments of the colonization
of America by the French. It occurs in Catalogue 21 of R. H. Dodd
of New York, issued in November, 1916, it is probably unique.

LOUISIANA. CROZAT. A LETTER TO A MEMBER of

the P T. of G t B n, OccasicMied by the Privil^e granted

by the French King to Mr. Crozat. Small 4 to, full crushed levant
morocco. $275.00.

London, Printed for J. Baker, 1713.

Very rare and imdescribed by bibliographers.

The Letters Patent granted by Louis XIV to Crozat in S^tem-
ber, 1712, were of the widest character. The grant was, it may be
said, the first attempt to develop the great central region of the
United States. His ships could only trade with all ''Louisiana"

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Same Rare Louisiana Historic Data 119

which is described as "bounded by New Mexico, and by the Lands
of the English Carolina. . . .the River St. Lewis heretofore called
Mississippi, from the edge of the Sea as far as the Illinois; together
with the River of St, Philip heretofore called the Missourys, and of
St. Jerome, heretofore called Ouabache, with all the Coimtries, Ter-
ritories, Lakes, within Land, and the Rivers which fall directly into
that Part of the River of St. Lewis."

This is the first edition in English of the Patent. It was re-
printed the next year in Joutel's ** Account of La Sailers Last Voyage,"
1714. The comment here given, some thirty pages, seems to be no-
where else printed.

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./•;

The Louisiana
Historical Quarterly

Vol.. I, No. 2. September 14, 1917

lurfayette's Visit to New Orleans.

La Fhride et Vancienne Louisiane. Notes bibliographique et
raisonniSf by L. Boimare.

General James Wilkinson.

Published Quarterly by

THE LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

CABILDO, NEW ORLEANS, LA.

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.-N

/:c. A/ rco'^^^'

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The Louisiana
Historical Quarterly

Vol. I, No 2

September 14, 1917

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'

OFFICERS

OF TH£

LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

CASPAR CUSACHS. President.

JOHN DYMOND, First Vice-President.

T. P. THOMPSON. Second Vice-President.

HENftY RENSHAW. third Vice-Preddent.

W. O. HART, Treasurer.

MISS GRACE KING. Recording Secretary.

ROBERT GLENK, Corresponding Secretary-Librarian.

Executive Committee

John Dymond, Chairman; Caspar Cusachs.T. P. Thompson. Henry Renshaw,
W. O. Hart. Miss Grace King, arid Robert Glenk.

Membership Committee

H. J. de la Vergne. Chairman; Miss Emma Zacharie and George Koppel.
Work and Archives Committee

Caspar Cusachs. Chairman; Miss Grace King. Robert Glenk. W. O. Hart,
T. P. Thompson and A. B. Booth.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Volume I, No. 2. September 14, 1917

Lafayette's Visit to New Orleans, by Judge Henry Renshaw

La Floride et Tancienne Louisiane. Notes bibliographique et raisonn^s, by
A. L. Boimare, with introduction by Miss Grace King

General James Wilkinson, by his great grandson, James Wilkinson

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The Louisiana
Historical Quarterly

Vol. 1, No. 2 September 14, 1917

LAFAYETTE'S VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS.

A paper by Judge Henry Renshaw, read at the Cabildo, in New
Orleans, on the occasion of the celebration of Lafayette Day, Sep-
tember 6, 1916:

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen:

In 1824 Lafayette visited the United States. It was his final
voyage to the land in the achievement of whose independence he had
borne so glorious a part. On this tour, Louisiana was included in the
scope of his itinerary.

In December, 1824, the General Assembly of this State had
authorized the Governor to draw from the public treasury a stun not
exceeding fifteen thousand dollars, to give General Lafayette a recep-
tion in our State worthy (so reads the statute) of the patriotic war-
rior, whom the American nation delights to honor; and resolutions
had been adopted tending to co-operation of State and City to cele-
brate (again I quote the legislative language) in the most magnifi-
cent manner, the arrival of General Lafayette.

New Orleans, then the Capital of Louisiana, appropriated as the
contribution of the Corporation toward the cost of the reception of
Lafayette, an amount equal to that which the Governor had been
empowered to expend.

The Steamer Natchez was despatched to Mobile to bring Lafay-
ette to New Orleans.

On the morning of the 9th of April, 1825, he arrived off the delta
of the Mississippi, and began the ascent of that imperial river. As
his voyage progressed the cannon's reverberations annoimced his
approach. At midnight, in the vicinity of Mr. Morgan's plantation
the Natchez cast anchor. In the afternoon of the following day the

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6 JAe Louisiana Historical Quarterly

voyage was resumed. The battlefield was sighted. By felicitous
selection, Lafayette's place of landing was the historic pladn of Chal-
mette. A large assemblage had congregated on the levee. Artillery
saluted as he came ashore. A cavalry detachment detailed as his
escort, together with a glittering staff, awaited him. He was received
by twelve marshals and by inembers of the committee of arrange-
ments; and having entered his carriage, to which were harnessed
six grey horses, was driven to the house of Mr. William Montgomery,
which had been the headquarters of Andrew Jackson when defending
New Orleans.

Within that dwelling, adorned by the richness of heroic asso-
ciation, the Governor of Louisiana met Lafayette and bade him
welcome to the State. The distinguished guest feelingly replied.
After these ceremonious addresses ensued a period yielding oppor-
timity for presentations, for kindly greetings, for renewal of old
comradeships, for interchange of martial reminiscences, for
general conversation.

A procession was formed, which with Lafayette as the dominant
figure, moved onward to the City, and grew in volume with its ex-
tending course. At length was reached what then was the Place
d'Armes. Almonester's daughter had not yet embellished the place
nor asked that its name be changed to Jackson Square. I^fayette
descended from his equipage of state; he entered the Place d'Armes;
the impetuous people strove to look upon him; and the joyous ac-
clamations of the multitude mingled with the music which the belfry
of the Cathedral scattered o^ the air.

In the center of the square on arch of triumph had been reared.
There Roffignac, Mayor of New Orleans, received Lafayette, and
expressed the gratification of the City at his arrival. At the Court-
house, Denis Prieur, the Recorder, and as such the presiding officer of
the City Council, extended to I^fayette, in their behialf, a further
welcome.

To the Mayor and to the Recorder, the renowned visitor made
appropriate acknowledgment.

Lafayette was thereafter conducted to the Cabildo, which in
those distant days was the City Hall, and continued so to be until
the early portion of May, 1853. This building had been sumptuously
furnish^ for his service and was assigned as his place of abode dur-
ing his residence in New Orleans.

The Cabildo became the house of Lafayette; or in the speech
so beloved of the people, la maison de Lafayette. Amid the enthusiasm
of the exulting citizens he took possession of his temporary home.

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Lafayette's Visit to New Orleans 7

Turning from those who were in attendance, he advanced to the
front of this building, and from the balcony on Chartres Street re-
viewed the troops that were parading below.

Into the Cabildo poured the people eager to greet the famous
veteran of our struggle for independence.

The tide of visitors ebbed away. The night drew on. They
who had been his companions at dinner lingered for a while; all who
were not of the household at length withdrew; the hero was left to
his repose; and quiet brooded over the Cabildo.

On the morning of the morrow the tide again set in, and the flow
and the ebb continued as day followed upon day. Officials, members
of the bar and of the medical profession, soldiers of the American
Revolution, veterans of the field of Chalmette; citizens, generally,
called to offer to the hero the lavish homage of their reverential
admiration.

On the second evening of his sojourn, Lafayette visited James
H. Caldwell's theatre, which had recently been built in the upper
portion of the expanding city. Caldwell was an Englishman who had
settled in New Orleans. He had amassed fortune; was a patron of the
drama; and was himself a "well graced actor." At Caldwell's theatre
Lafayette was greeted with clamorous manifestations of veneration
and delight.

From witnessing the representation on the American stage, he
proceeded to the Orleans theatre and viewed the last two acts ol a
comedy performed by Davis' Company of histrions. At the termi-
nation of the play, the actresses and actors rendered a musical com-
position which ended with mention of Lafayette and freedom. The
audience took up these associated words, and the house resotmded
with timiultuous shouts of Vivent Lafayette et la liberty

A ball given for him at the Orleans theatre presented a specta-
cle of brilliant revelry. It is said that eight hundred ladies graced
the occasion with their presence.

On the 13th of the month the City was illuminated. The Place
d'Armes was radiant with multicolored light. The arch, the Court-
house, the Cabildo blazed with the splendor of fiery ornamentation.
In the softness of the April night, the daughters of New Orleans,
clad in the elegance of evening attire, crowded the neighboring bal-
conies, or were imits of beauty in the throng which filled the Square.

Restriction of time constrains me to bring to a conclusion this
imperfect sketch.

Briefly it may be stated that the City was riotous with gaiety
of patriotism. Their hearts uplifted in rejoicing, a demonstrative

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8 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

people, with generous enthusiasm, made of the visit of Lafayette a
glad series of gala days and festal nights.

Friday, the 15th of April, was the date of his departure. About
mid-day he left the Cabildo. The soldiery taking up their march,
advanced between crowding lines of people, and were his guard of
honor to where the Natchez lay expectant.

The words of farewell were spoken; the moorings were thrown
off; and the steamer, dignified by its heroic burden, moved slowly
forth upon the broad surface of the stream.

Thus passed the visit of Lafayette, leaving as a precious pos-
session to the people, the proud remembrance that they had been
privil^ed to entertain the illustrious Frenchman, who in the days of
his chivabous youth had fought for the cause of our infant Republic.

Here then to-night, in the house of Lafayette, beneath the com-
panion flags which drape these walls, the tri-colored emblem of
France and the constellated standard ot the American Union, let us
proclaim our fervent hope that the historic friendship which cul-
minated in glorious victory at Yorktown may endure, and that,
imdimmed in the procession of the ages, it may continue "from
generation imto generation and unto coimtless generations torever."

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NOTES

Bibliographiqties et raisoiinte

Sur les principaux ouvrages public

sur

LA FLORIDE

et I'ancienne LOUISIANE,

depuis leur dfecouverte jusqu' a Tepoque actuelle.
accompagn6s de trois cart^ de Giiillaimie Delisle,

pubU6s en 1703 et 1712.

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Notes bibliographiques et raisonn6s sur les principaux Ouvrages
Publics sur la Floride et T Ancienne Louisiane depuis leur d6couverte
jiisqu'a Tepoque actuelle.

INTRODUCTION

As the title conveys, these Notes include a period and a field
that practically cover the whole of early colonial history and they
disseminate over it an amount of light that renders even the darkest
paths across it clear to the eyes of the student. When finished,
some sixty years ago, it was without doubt the most complete cata-
logue of its kind existence, and had it attained the publicity it de-
served it would have placed its author in the foremost rank of Ameri-
can historiographers. Considered today when historical research
work has been specialized to reach the most finished perfection, it
can stand the test of comparison even with other critical and analyti-
cal catalogues compiled by noted scholars aided by staffs of skilled
assistants in the great historical collections of libraries enriched by
the treasures of fifty years of successful mining in the European
archives; covering the field in which Boimare delved alone with no
other assistance than that furnished by his own two hands and
indefatigable patience and energy. The volimies in his list niunber
one himdred and ninety; each one is accompanied by its analytical
and critical note; all but a few carefully excepted in the test, have
been read by the author and the whole manuscript a considerable one
which includes an index has been copied by him in a pains-taking
chirography that in the minute precision of its clear characters vie
with copperplate. The manuscript is in short a marvel of erudition
and conscientious devotion to an arduous and as it proved an un-
grateful task.*

The sorrow that it should have remained lost so long and de-
prived of its usefulness is forgotten in the joy over its final recovery
and restoration to its rightful position in the world of letters. What
was its history after it left its author during the many years of its
wanderings and by what good adventure it at last reached a sure
haven on the book shelf of our distinguished member, we do not
know. No other work of Boimare's has come down to us; whether
any other one is drifting beyond our ken on the sea of literary flotsam
and jetsam may never find out; presimiably his life did not more

♦NOTE — The Manuscript of this work and the only copy known to collectore, belongs t
te library of Americano of Mr. T. P. Thompson, who has now kindly loaned it to the
Btorical Society for publication.

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Outrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 11

than compass this achievement; it must indeed have consumed the
number of his allotted working years for he was middle aged as we
can compute when he began it.

The modest seclusion in which he lived; disguised as we may
well express it, as a bookseller in New Orleans and Paris shielded
him so well from publicity that we are dependent upon the charitable
memory of an old friend, Mr. Henry Vignaud of Paris, the distin-
guished historian and an honorary member of our Society, for a few
items to eke out the details that we have previously obtained
concerning the life of so admirable and generous a laborer in the
vineyard of Louisiana history.

Mr. William Beer of the Howard Library, our co-member, has
most considerately placed at our disposition a letter written by Mr,
Vignaud to him in answer to his inquiry about Boimare. *1 have
known Boimare," he writes March 19th, 1917, "and all his family
very well; he began by being a bookseller in New Orleans, where he
married a Creole lady. I do not remember her name. He returned
to France and came back to New Orleans later as an assistant to his
eldest son Francis Boimare, as bookseller. He returned to France
with no money and had to earn his bread by hard work. He died in
poverty. He was an upright man."

It was in the year 1825, that Boimare came to New Orleans.
His store was in Chartres street, niunber 1135, afterwarcis removed
to 137 Royal street. He also maintained a circulating library. The
store and library are remembered still (an inherited memory) as of
importance in the life of the city; at that time entering its golden age
of proisperity and wealth which were bearing fruit in elegance and re-
finement of Ufe. The great names of the bench and bar that have
come down to us in local tradition as glorious were then borne by the
living men. Francois Xavier Martin, then in the maturity of his
life, had already published his history of Louisiana; Charles Gayarre,
young, handsome and ambitious, was known to be preparing to dis-
pute the title of historian with him. We can imagine, we like to
imagine, that they were wont of an afternoon to resort to Boimare' s
store for books and papers and to hear and to talk over the news.
There must have been some discussion, there always has been dis-
ctission among lawyers over the respective qualifications of the two
men, both of the legal profession, as historians and no doubt there
was a general overhauling of the historical authorities then available
at Boimare's, and in the city. Boimare, who as we have seen, pos-
sessed also qualifications as a historian, must have been a useful factor
in procuring new data, and in judging what was in current handling.

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12 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Although, as far as we know, no mention is made of him, nor of any
service tendered by him to the historians. We have no facts to go
on but the surmise is probable almost unavoidable that Boimare
foimd.and made known to the historians, Martin and Gayarre, a
certain manuscript that was being circulated in copies in the city.
This was the Journal Historique de TEstablissement des Francais
a la Louisiane by Bernard de la Harpe.

Both historians, as we know, had recourse to La Harpe for
facts and dates following him faithfully, but, neither for all the use
he made of the manuscript seems to have had the thought of pre-
serving it in print for the use of succeeding generations of historical
students, although both could have done so with financial ease, and
here in New Orleans at that time there were presses that were put-
ting out very creditable work (Gayarre's own first book, his ''Essai
Historique," was published in this city.)It is to Boimare's credit, we
may even say glory, that he the hiunble bookseller did not also "pass
by," but took upon himself, to rescue it from probable destruc-
tion, at any rate from probable loss — a record that stands as the open
door to all historical research in the early colonial history of Louisiana.
For this reason, if not on account of his later work Boimare's name
should be enshrined in our Cabildo, our Louisiana Historical Society's
Hall of Fame. As the Journal Historique was published in Paris,
not New Orleans, in 1831, Boimare may have gone to France for that
purpose. He returned to New Orleans in the early fifties, but as
we have seen was forced to go back to France to make his living.

In Paris he obtained employment in the great establishment of
Chadenat, celebrated at that time for his collections of rare Ameri-
canae. No one in the old or new world was better fitted to appre-
ciate such a field, or to labor in it. His call to it must have been
imperative. Neither poverty nor hard work deteired him from answer-
ing it; nor the fear of greater poverty nor harder work. There is
nothing more to add, further comment seems unnecessary.

GRACE KING.

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Outnages Publics sur la Floride et I'Ancienne Louisiane 13

Liste par ordre alphabfithique des fecrivains dont les ouvrages
sont indiqu6s par ces notes.

Num6ro

Anonymes 1, 27, 38. 44,

45, 50. 66, 81,
90, 91, 100,
118.

Acosta.- 158, 159, 160

Adair-. 170

Adams 133

American husbandry 66

Ampere 157

Antiquitates Americanae... 187,188

Armroyd 142

Bacqueville de la Potherie.. 30

Bancroft 152

Barda (voir Cardenas)

Bartram 82, 83

Barb6 Marbois 140, 141

Barton 173

Baudry des Lozieres 93, 99

Bellin 51

Beltrami 134, 135

Berquin (voir Duvallon) . . _
Bernard de la Harpe (voir

LaHarpe).--

Bernard (I. F.) . 29

Birkbeck 123, 124, 125

Bonrepos— 38

Bouquet 55, 56

Bossu 57, 58, 69

Bradbury 122

Bradshaw 126

BradfcMrd- 190

Brackenridge 116, 117

Brasseur de Bourbourg 156

Brown 120

Bruzen la Martiniere 41

Bunner 151

Burke 53, 54

CarU 171

Carver 72, 73

Cardenas 37

Catesby 44

Champigny 67

Charlevoix 30, 43

Citry de la Guette 3

Church 177

Clark 113, 114

Colden 167

Collot 137

Coxe 35

(>eve-Coeur 79, 80

Darby 121

Delafield 189

Del'Isle 28

De Pauw 169

DeVergennes 92

Dubroca 95

Dumont 46

Num6ro

Duvallon .- 96

DunmoreLang 183

Eidous 168

Ellicott 115

Falconer 149

Filson 75, 76

Flint 144,182

French .- 155

Gardllasso de la Vega 6

Garcia 166

Gayarre 153

Grotius 163, 164

Genty 172

Hakluyt 2, 5

Hall 146

Harris 10

Hennepin 16. 17,-18, 19

Heckwelder 175, 176

Henry 107

Heylyn i 11

Histoire Universelle 44, 45

Hohnes 139

Homius 165

Hunter 176

Hutchins 70, 71

Imlay 88

Irving, J. 184

Irving, Washington 185, 186

Jeflfery 49

Joutel 24, 25

Kalm 61

Keating 136

Kersland 36

Lacarriere I^tour 119

Lagt 8, 9, 161, 162

Lahontan 22, 23

Lafitau 31

Lamartiniere (voir Bruzen).

Laval 39

Laudonni^e 4

Laharpe (Bernard) 26

Leclercq 15

Lee 112

Le F^ge'du F^tznillllll 47, 48

Le Petit 40

Lewis (Capt) 113, 114

Long, (J.) 84, 85

Long (Major) 136

Louisiana 90, 101

MacCulloh 178

Marbois (voir Barb6)

Marest 31

Marigny 52

Marquette 14

Martin <Judge) 138

Michaux 103, 104

Milfort 94

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14

The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Monette_
Montul6.

Morse

Murat_--
O'Reilly.

Num^o Num6ro

150 Schoolcraft 131

132 Schultz- 108

.- 86,87 Seybert 130

143 Smyth 77,78

59 Sparks 148

74 Stoddart Ill

102 Stork 59

109.110 Tanner 179.180

60 TemauxCompans 12.13

64 Thatcher 181

145 Tonti. 20,21

106 Ulloa - 65, 66 bis.

32 Volney 97,98

62,63 Vail.. 147

7 Warden 127,128.129

105,106 WilUamson _ 174

68 Winterbotham_.. 89

Un certain nombre d'ouvrages ont certainement du 6chapper k mes recherches,
mais comme ce Travail ne sera livr6 ^ Timpression qu'autant que des Juges compe-

tenLs \e croiront utile au public je r^parerai alors les omissions qui s'y rencofitrent.

Perrin du Lac_

Pike

Pittman

Pr^vot

Poussin

Rafinesque

Rasle-_

Raynal

Richelet

Robin

Romans.

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 15

PREFACE

I have put these notes together believing that I could fill a
bibliographical gap and in publishing them facilitate the researches
of those who wish to know the different histories of Louisiana; to
follow the voyagers who visited it at different periods or sought
information about the writings of the various naturalists who have
given a description of its natural wealth. This was my motive for
the work.

The sunmiary and critical accounts that follow each book have
been drawn from the best sources of authority. As to the reflections
that belong properly to me, I have endeavored after becoming ac-
quainted with the books to write them with impartiality, if without
elegance, for my inexperience as a writer forces me to beg the indul-
gence of the reader, in this respect.

In general, the books that are the subject of these notes, are not
the ordinary ones of commerce many even are very rare, but when by
dint of searching, I have succeeded in obtaining them it has happened
frequently that the maps and pictures that should have accompanied
them have been abstracted from them, which prevents the reader
from following the author in his geographical indications. To remedy
this inconvenience as much as possible, I have joined to this volimie
three maps by the aid of which one can easily supply those that are
lacking in the books that refer to them.

These three maps are from Guillaiune de Tlsle, the first two of
La Nouvelle France, of Mexico and Florida, were published in 1703;
the other one, the map of Louisiana did not appear xmtil 1712, but
it is much more correct than that of Hennepin and Joutel, and it
possesses the advantage of showing the itineraries of the first explorers
of Florida and Louisiana. By means of the chronological sequence
adopted in these notes, and the maps that accompany them, the
reader is enabled to read the ccmiplete history of Louisiana, written
by cohtemporaries themselves, and to follow the progress of the
settlements that were successively established.

As I have said, my principal object in view, was to make known
the works of the historians, the explorers and the naturalists who have
written especially on Louisiana and Florida; nevertheless, I thought
it would be agreeable to my readers to furnish them also the titles
of the principal works whose authors have given their attention

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16 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

rather to philosophical considerations on America and its origin
and of its people in general, rather than to the relation of its history,
or the description of its various parts. . The list of these works will
be found at the end of the notes. If I have succeeded in the object
that I proposed to myself, and above all if this little work is favorably
received by the Louisiana public, I shall feel myself amply paid.

A. L. BOIMARE,
One time Librarian at New Orleans.
Paris, September, 1853.

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Ouvrages Publics sur la FUnide et VAncienne Louisiane 17
PREMIERE EPOQUE.

Ouvrages publics avant 1681.

Lorsque les Francais sous la conduite de La Salle prirent posses-
sion de la Louisianne au mois d'avriU 1682, elle avail fait partie
jusque la de la province espagnol Florida qui dependaii de la
vice royaute du Mexique, II convieni done d'indiquer d*abord les
principaux ouvrages publics anterieuremeni a cette epoque
et dans lesquels on trouve des notions concernant le pays qui plus
tard recut un autre nam en changeant de proprietaire.

Le premier outrage connu est celui d'un gentilhomme portugais
qui accompagnait Hernandez Soto dans r expedition de laFloride.
L'auteur a garde Vanonyme. II est institulS suivant M. Cernaux
Campans queje copie:

Relacion verdadera dos trabalhos que o Goberhador D. Fer-
nando de Soto y ciertos fidalgos Portugueses passaron no
descubrimento da provincia de Florida agora novamente feita
por hune fidalgo d'EIvas.
En 4o. Evora, en la casa de Burgos. 1557.

Cet ouvrage dont Voriginal, dit M. Cernaux, est rarissime a iti
traduit d'abord en anglais par Hakluyt, sous le litre suivant:

Virginia, richly valued by the description of the main land of
Florida, her next neighbour: out of the foure yeeres continuall
travel and discouverie for above one thousand miles east and
west of don Fernando de Soto, and six hundred able men in his
companie. Wherein are truly observed the richness and fer-
tilitie of those parts, abounding with things necessarie, pleas-
able and profitable for the life of man : with the natures and
dispositions of the inhabitants: written by a portugall gentle-
man of Elvas, employed in all the action, and translated out
of the Portuguese by Richard Hakluyt. fo. London, 1609.

Jl d iti traduit ensuite en francais par Cttry de la Guette, sous
le litre de:

Histoire de la conquest de la Floride par les espagnols sous
Pemando de Soto ecrite en portugais par un gentilhomme de
la ville d'Elvas. 300 pages.
IParis. Denis Thierry, in 12o. 1685.

X

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18 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

'Vette relation'' dit Citry de la Guette, **a Vavantage d'estre
original et de venir de la premiere main, d la difference de celle
de la Floride del Inca Garcillasso de la Vega qui ne peut lui
disputer leprix, n' ay ant paru que depuis celle-cy, et n* ay ant iti com-
posi que sur le recit que luy en fit un simple cavalier qui avail suivy
Fernando de Soto en la Floride, et qui, faute d' intelligence a pu se
tromper en beaucoup de choses, aussi bien que Garcillasso faute
de memoire et d' application. Cest ainsi qu'au commencement
de sa Floride, il assure que Soto y, alia accompagne de treize
cents hommes, au lieu que notre auteur dit, avec beaucoup plus
d'apparence quHl n'y en avail que six cen; sur quoy Von doit
remarquer qu'un gentilhomme comme il estait a ordinairement
plus de lumiere qu'un simple soldat. II n'a pas voulu se faire
connoistre et cet exemple de modestie nous est un bon garant de sa
sincerite. Son style est naturel, simple et sans aucuns ornaments,
tel que le doit estre celuy d'un discours qui n'a que la vSriti pour
objetr

4. Historic notable de la Floride situ6 es Indes ocddentales,
Contenant les trois voyages faits en icelle par certains capi-
taines et pilotes fran^ais, descrits par le capitaine LaudonniSre
qui a command^ I'espace d'lin an trois moys. A laquelle k
est6 ajoustfi un quatrieme voyage fait par le capitaine Gour-
gues, mise en lumifire par Mo. Basanier, GentiUiomme fran-
cais mathematicico. Paris. Guillaume Auvray, 80. de 8 et
124 pages. 1586.
Le mhneouvrage reimprimi avec soins en 1853, par Af. P. JaneU
dans sa charmante bibliotheque Elzivinnne, in I60. 1 vol. Hak-
luyt d traduit en anglais la relation de Laudonniire. Elle a pour
litre:

5. A notable history containing four voyages made by certayne
French captaynes into Florida, newly translated out of French
byR. H. London. 1587.
Le premier voyage du capitaine Laudonnihe remonte a 1564, il
avail pour objet la reconstruction du fort bati en 1562 par Ribaut
qui, le premier des Frangais avail abordi d la Floride. Les
Espagnols jaloux de cet etablissement, Vavaient entieremeni
ruinS; ils avaient memefaitperir unepartie des premiers coloms mis
en fuite et disperse le reste. L' expedition de Laudonniire eut un
plein succes: il reconstruisit dans un auture lieu lefort auquel on
donna le nom de Fort de la Caroline. Mais la division s'etanl
mise parmi les colons, par Veffet de V insubordination et par

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 19

rosiveU, Ribaud qui etaii revenu dans le pays, ne put y retablir
ni Vordre ni le gout du travail. Les Espagnols profitirent de cette
anarchie pour surprendre lefort de la Caroline. Dans la chaleur
du combat tls massacrerent d*abord partie de ceux qui le defen-
daient; mais ils pousshent ensuite la barbarie d un tel exces
quHls ecorchireni vif Ribaud et pendirent d un arbre quelques de
uns de ses compagnons d*infortune, avec cette inscription derisoire:
nan comme Frangais mais comme heretiques.
Dominique de Gourgue du Mont Marsan indigni de cette atrociti
des Espagnols equipa un vaisseau a ses frais, debarqua a la
Floride y reprit le fort de la Caroline et un autre fort qu'ils y
avaient bati et fit pendre plusieurs espagnols au meme arbre
ou ils avaient attachi les Francois. U inscription porteit: non
comme Espagnols mais comme Forbans. ''La faiblesse du Gou-
vernement frangais faillitrendre de Gourgues victime de son action
heroique. Poursuivi par les Espagnols il leur aurait 6ti livri
s'il ne sefut pas soigneusement cachi.*'

Boucher de la Richarderie.

6. Garcillasso de la Vega (El Inca). La Florida del Inca, historia
del avelantado Hernando de Soto in 4o. en Lisboa 1605.
A iti traduit en Francois par divers ecrivains; la version la plus
estimie est celle de Richekt, elk est intituU:

7. Histoire de la conquete de la Floride; ou relation de ce qui s'est
pass6 dans la d6couverte de ce pays par Fernando de Soto.
Paris. Musier, en 1202 parties en un voliune. 281 et 249
pages. 1709 and 1711.
// ignore quelle est la date de la premiire traduction anglaise de la
Floride de Garcillasso.

Richelet dit que: ''La premiere traduction de ce livre faite en
francais est due d Baudoin et parut en 1658, quoique bonne dans
le fond, elle eut un sort assez extraordinaire', le libraire qui vit
qu'elle n' avail pas un grand debit, la considera comme un mauvais
livre et la vendit aux epiciers pour servir d*enveloppe; elle devint
rare et monta d un prix excessif; mais les libraires de Hollande
lafirent re-imprtmer en 1705 et 1706.

II y aurait pour Vhonneur de Garcillasso de la Vega bien des
reflexions d faire sur ce que dit notre auteur, M. Citry de la
Guette, run de nos meilleurs ecrivains, mais nous nous con-
tenterons des suivantes: "Qui d out poser en regie qu'une relation
qui ria par uque depuis une autre, merite moins le litre d' original

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20 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

que celle qui est anierieure? Et ou en serions nous avec nos
histoires dont les posterieres ont, la plupart du temps, fait evanouir
et avec raison celle du temps meme? Croira-ton que Garcillasso
n'a mis dans son livre un si bel ordre, un detail si exacte et si bien
circonstancie que sur la rapport d'un simple cavalier peu intelligent?
Si cette relation a iti de memoire, je I* en trouve d*autant meilleure,
car assurement ce cavalier devait etre un prodige puisqu'il narre
dans un si bel ordre un si grand nombre d' actions qui s'etatent
passees il y avait pres de 40 ans. Cela seratt facile d prouver;
V expedition s'etait faite en 1539. Garcillasso a fini son ouvrage
en 1591. Je lui donne pour le composer dix ans, c'est beaucoup.
Ainsi depuis 1543 que cette expedition fut terminer jus'en 1581,
ilfaut compter 38 ans. Pour moif admire une si belle memoire.
Mais je le dirai sincerement: M. Citry de la Guette a eu raison
de louer son auteur aux dipens deGarcillasso; etfai rasion de venget
Garcillasso au prejudice d^ ceux qui le meprisent. Si nousfaisions
autrement nous serions tous deux d bldmer.*'

8. DeLaet. Novus orbis descriptions Indiae occidentalis libri
xviii, autore Joanne de Laet, Antuerpensi, novis tabulis
geographicis et variis animentium, plantazum, frunctiinque
iconibus illustrati folio, Lugduni Batavorum apud Elzevi-
rius. 1633.
Get ouvrage fut bientot traduit en francais sous le litre suivant:

9. Le Nouveau Monde ou Description des Indes occidentales
contenant xviii livres, par le Sieur Jean de Laet d'Anvers,
enrichiesde nouvelles tables geographiques et de figures des
animaux, plantes et fruits. Leyde et Amsterdam, Elzevir t.

1640.
''Dans le quatrieme livre de cet ouvrage {p. 103 a 131) dit Charle-
voiXy r auteur fait une assez bonne description dela Floride gu'il
d tire principalement des annates d*Antoine de Herrera^ II
nous apprend toutes les tentatives des Espagnols pour s'y eiablir,
sous la conduite de Jean Ponce de Leon, du licencie Luc Vasquez,
d'Ayllon, de Pamphile de Narvaez, de Fernando de Soto ei de
Louys deMoscoso: les expeditions des Frangais dans cette par tie
de la Floride qui est aujourdhui partagi entre les Anglais et les
Espagnols; V etablissement de St, Augustin par Don Pedro
Menenddez apris que ceGeneral eut chasse lesFrangais de laFloride
et la guerre qu'il eut a so tenir contre le Chevalier Francis Drake,
anglais.
Boucher de la Richarderie de son cote, porte le jugement suivant

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 21

sur Vouvrage de Laet: **Cest une assez bonne compilation des
maieriaux qu* ont fourni a Vauteur des divers ouvrages dont il
donne lui-meme la lisle au commencement du sien. On doit lui
rendre la justice de dire que son travail annonce une critique
assez judicieuse et qu'il developpe dans le cours de sa description,
ei suriout dans la preface generate qui est a la tite un esprit de
liberty et d* independance qtCon est itonni de trouver dans un
sujet de la couronne d'Espagne. Laet, en decrivant la coti de la
Floride, ne mentionne le nom d'aucune riviere dont V embouchure
correspondrait a celle du Mississippi et il ajoute que tout Vespace
depuis la baie de St, Joseph jusqu'a la riviere des Palmes {Le Rio
del Norte) est fort peu connu. Toutefois dans sa carte de la
Nouvelle Espagne il indique un Rio escondido dont la position
est a peu de chose pris, celle du Mississippi. On peut done con-
dure qu'a cette epoque {1640) la veritable entri du Mississippi
etait inconnue, mime aux Geographies espagnols dont Laet faisait
partie. Une traduction anglaise de Laet, Herrera et autres se
trouve dans Vouvrage de John Harris iniiiuli:

. lO- l^avigantixim atque Itinerantixim Bibliotheca ov: A collection
of voyages and Travels consisting of above four hundred of the
most authentic writers, beginning with Hackluyt, Purchass
in English; Ramusio in Italian; Thevenot in French, &a.
ILondon. 2 vol. fo. ' 1715.

^^- Heylyns (Peter). Cosmography in four books, containing the
chorography and history of the whole world: and all the princi-
pal Kingdoms, Provinces, Seas, and the Isles thereof. Five
parts in one vol. fo. the 6th edition. London, from 1663 to 1682.
Cet ouvrage qui, par le nombre de ses editions parait avoir eti
fiopulaire en Angleterre, contient a la page 99 du 4e. livre une
decsripiion de la Floride qui ne fourmt pas plus de lumiere sur
hi position du Mississippi que celui deLaet.

u^vant de donner Vindication des ouvrages felattfs a la Louisiane
depuis son occupation par les Frangais, je dois faire mention
des deux volumes suivants, pubhis par M. Ternaux Campans,
lesquels font par tie de sa:

Collection de Voyages, Relations et Memoires originaux pour
servir a Thistoire de la decouverte de TAmerique, Paris. 20
vols, in 8o. 1837 a 1841.

^2. JUun de ces volumes (le 20e. de la collection) est du plus haul
^'-pnteret pour Vhistoire de la Floride, ainsi qu'on en pourra juger

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22 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

par Vindication des pieces presque toutes tnedites qui s'y trouvent
reunies:

1. Sommation § faire aux habitants des centres et pro-
vinces qui s'etendent depuis la rivdere des Palmes et le cap
de la Floride.

2. M6moire sur la Floride, ses cotes et ses habitants qu'aucun
de ceux qui Tont visits n'ont su dfecrire par Hernando
d'Escalante Fontanedo.

3. Lettre 6crite par Tan delantado Soto, au corps municipal
de la ville de Santiago, de Tisle de Cuba.

4. Relation de ce qui arriva pendant le voyage du capitaine
Soto et details sur la nature du pays qu'il parcourut, par
Louis Hernandez de Biedma.

5. Relation de la Floride pour Tillustrissime seigneur Vice-
roi de la Nouvelle Espagne apporte par Fr&re Gregono
de Beteta.

6. Compte rendu par Guido de las Bazarer du voyage qu'il
fit pour dfecouvrir les ports et les bales qui sont sur les
cot6s de la Floride, pour la surety des troupes que I'on doit
envoyer, au nom de sa Majeste, ''coloniser cette contr6"
et la pointe de Ste. Helfene. Entreprise fait en vertu des
ordres de Don Luis de Velasco, § sa Sacrfe Maiest^
catholique et royal sur les affaires de la Floride.

7. Memoire de Theureux rfisultat et du bon voyage que Dieu
riotre Seigneur a bien voulu accdrder § la flotte qui parti i de
la ville de Cadiz pour se rendre k la cot6 et dan<5 la pro-
vince de la Floride, et dont 6tait General V illustre ^ig-
neur Pero Menendez de Abiler, commandeur de Tordre
de St. Jacques. Cette flotte partit de la baie de Cadiz, le
jeudi matin, 28 du mois de juin 1565, elle arriva sur les
cotes des provinces de la Floiide, le 28 aout de la meme
anne, par Francisco Lopez de Mendoza, chaplain de
Texpedition.

8. Copie d'lme lettre venant de la Floride, envoys § Rouen
et depuis au seigneur d'Eueron, ensemble le plan et por-
trait du fort que les Frangais y ont fait.

9. Histoire memorable du dernier voyage aux Indes, lieu
appele la Floride, fait par le Capitaine Ribaut, et entre-
pris par le commandement du Roy, en Tan 1555.

10. La Floride ou THistoire merveilleuse de ce qui est aduvenu

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Lauisiane 23

au dernier voyage du Capitaine Jean Ribaut, enterpris
par le commandement du Roy, a Tlsle des Indes que
vulgairement on appelle la Floride.
11. La reprinse de la Floride par le capitaine Gourgue.
M. French, dans la deuxieme partie de son * 'Historical
collection of Louisiana," a traduit en anglais les pieces
Nos. 3 et 4, cidesus relates mais sans prevenir ses lec-
teurs qu'il en 6tait redevable a M. Ternaux Campans.
Le second volume de M. Ternaux relatif a la Floride (la
7e. de la collection) est intitule:
13. Relations et naufrages d'Alvar Nunez, Cabeca de la Vaca,
public k Valladolid en 1555 et traduite pour la premiere fois
en Frangais.

Void comment M. Ternaux Campans s*exprime dans sa preface
au sujet de Cabeca de la Vaca:

''La relation de la Floride nous fait connaitre la position exacte,
les moeurs et les coutumes d*un grand nombre de peuplades qui
n'existent plus aujourdhui; renseignements d'autant plus pre-
deux pour nous, que quelques annis apres les Frangais, tenterent
a plusieurs reprises, de former un itablissement dans ce pays.
La veracite du recit de Cabeca, est confirm^ par Herrera, et par
tous les htsioriens espagnols, Ilfut certainement un homme d'une
grande inergie et son voyage d travers le continent septentrional
de VAmirique, est une des entreprises les plus hcsardeuses qui
jamais aient iti tentis.

la relation de la Vaca commence en 1527 et se termine en 1537,
Spoque de son retour a Lisbonne, 2e. Epoque.

DEUXIEME EPOQUE.

Ouvrages publics depuis Inoccupation de la Louisiane
par les Frangais.

^ • Marquette (le Pfere) Jfeuite. Decouvertes de quelques pays et
nations de TAmerique septentrionale. 9te. Paris, Michallet,
petit in 4o. de 43 pages. 1681.

Cest le journal que fit le phe Marquette de son voyage avec le
sieur Joliet lorsqu'ils dicouvrirent le Mississippi en 1673. II
J)arut pour la premiirefois dans le Recueil des voyages de Thive-
not, et n' avail pas iti riimprimi depuis, lorsqu'en 1845 M. Rich,

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24 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

auteur de la Btbltotheca Americana, en fit fatre un ttrage a 125
examplatres.

Ce journal A eiatt tradmt en anglais et placi d la suite de Vouvrage
du P. Hennequm dans Vedition de Londres de 1699. On en
trouvera le titre au No. 19.

M. French {voir No.) a egalement traduit cette relation et Va
inserie dans le 2e. volume de sa Collection Historique, Pages
280 a 297.

Malgri la criduhte du pere Marquette, la simplicite et la naiveti
desonrecit attachent le lecteur et Vmteressent. La carte qui accom-
pagne cette relation est la premiire qui ait iti publii sur le cours
du Mississippi. Elle avail iti dressi sur les indications des
Indiens et servit aux voyageurs dans leur exploration.

Dans le dixieme volume de son American Biography, M. Sparks
a consacri un asset long article au pire Marquette et d Joliet,
nous renvoyons nos lecteurs a cet excellent ouvrage publii d Boston
de 1835 a 1848 en 15 volumes m 12.

15. Leclerq (le pftre Chrestien) Missionnaire recollet. Premier
etablissement de la foy dans la nouvelle France et les pre-
mieres dScouvertes faites depuis le fleuve St. Laurent, la
Louisianne et le fleuve Colbert jusqu'au golphe Mexique.
Paris, Auroy, 2 vols, in 12 de 559 et 458 pages. 1691.

Cet ouvrage n*a iti ni traduit en anglais, ni riimprimi depuis sa
publication aussi est-il difficile de se le procurer. Toutefois il
n*offre d'intirit, relativement a Vhistoire de la Louisiane que par
Vinsertion faite par le pere Leclerq, dans les chapitres xxii et
xxiii de son ouvrage, du journal du pire Zenobe Membre, Mis-
sionnaire recollet qui accompagmit La Salle dans son premier
voyage; et dans le chapitre xxiv de celui du pire Anasthase Douay,
autre missionnaire recollet qui faisait partie de la seconde expe-
dition de la Salle et quifut timoin oculaire de sa mort. Ainsi que
nous le dirons ci-apres le pire Hennepin a egalement insiri ce
dernier Journal dans Vouvrage indiqui sous leNo. 18.

Les relations de phes Zenobe et Anastase ont toujours passi pour
etre trisfidUes. Dans le proces verbal de prise de possession de la
Louisiane par La Salle, publii -pour la premiere fois par M.
Sparks en 1844, on voit figurer la signature du premier et le ricit
succtnt insere dans Facte du notaire. La Mitatrie confirme en
tous points celui du missionaire.

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Otivrages Public sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 25

16. Hennepin (le pSre Louis) R6collet. Description de la Louis-
iane, nouvellement dficouverte au Sud Quest de la Nouvelle
France, par ordre du Roy. (d6dife a Louis xiv.) Carte in 12o.
Paris, Hur6 312 pages. Description et 107 Moeurs des Sau-
vages. 1683.
Ce fut le premier pubhi par le pire Hennepin, il riy mentionne
nulle part le fait d'avoir descendu le Mississippi depuis la
riviire des Illinois, ou il quitta La Salle. En autre, la carte qui
est jointe a son line, est la demonstration la plus complete que ce
missionnatre n'a pas dit la vhiti en se vantant dans sa seconde
relation d'avoir pficide La Salle et reconnu, avant lui, Vem-
bouchure du fleuve.

Les deux outrages dont on trouvera les litres d la suite de celui-ci,
ne doivent etre consideris que comme des amplifications du premier
et comme des speculations de librairie inspiris par le succes qui
V avail accueilli a son apparition,

17. Nouvelle decouverte d'un pays plus grand que L'Europe,
situe dans rAm&ique entre le Nouveau M6xique et le mer
glaciale; d6di6e a Guillaume iii Roy d'Angleterre, 2 cartes
et fig. in 12 Leyde 604 pages et Table. 1697,

18. Nouveau Voyage d'un pays plus grand que TEurope avec des
reflexions des entreprises du sieur de la Salle sur les mines de
Ste. Barbe. D^difee a Guillaume iii Roy d'Angleterre. Fig.
Carte in 12o. Utrecht 389 pages. 1698.
Cest en s'appropriant la relation du pire Anastase Douay
missionnaire recollet, qui avail accompagne La Salle dans sa
derniire expedition, que le pere Hennepin a compose ce dernier
ouvrage.

Les libraires de Hollande ont donni de nombreuses editions dans
les formats in 4o, et 12o. des ouvrages du pere Hennepin dont ils
ont diversifie les litres. La seconde relation de ce religieux a ete
traduite dans presque toutes les langues de VEurope. Voici le
k litre de la traduction anglaise dans laquelle on d reuni les deuxieme
et troisieme ouvrages de pere Hennepin:

19. New Discovery of a vast cotmtry in America, extending above
four thousand miles between New France and New Mexico, to
which are added several new discoveries in North America, not
published in the French edition. Both parts in one volume 8o.
Maps and plates. London 240 et 216 pages. 1699.

*Le pire Hennepin avail ete fort lie avec M. de la Salle et V avail

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26 The Louisiana Historical Qtiarterly

suivi aux Illinois (Tou il Venvoya, avec le sieur Dacan, remorUer
le Mississippi. Cest le voyage qu*il a dicrit dans son premier
ouvrage dont le litre n'est pas juste, car le pays qu'il decouvrit en
remontant ce fleuve depuis la nvtere des Illinois jusqu'au sault
St. Antome, n'est pas de la Louisiana mais de la Nouvelle
France. Le litre du second ouvrage ne Vest davantage, car si loin
qu'on ait remonti le Mississippi, on a encore ite bien eloigni de la
mer Glacial. Lorsque Vauteur publia cette "seconde relation, il
etait brouilU avec M. de la Salle. II par ait mime quHl avail de-
fense de retourner en Amirique et que ce fut le chagrin qu'il en
concut, qui le porta d s'en alter en Hollande ou ilfit imprimer son
troisihme ouvrage. II n'y decharge pas seulement son chagrin
sur la Salle, il fait encore retomber sur la France dont il se pri-
tendait maltraiti et croit sauver son honneur en declarant qu*il
etait ni sujet du roi catholique. Mais il aurait du se souvenir
que c' etait au frais de la France et que c' etait au fiom du roi trds
Chretien que lui et le sieur Dacan avaient pris possession des
pays quHls Qvaient dicouverts. II ne craignait mime pas d'avancer
que c' etait avec Vagrement du roi catholique, son premier souve-
rain, qu'il dediait son livre au roi d'Angleterre Guillaume III,
et qu'il solicitait ce monarque d faire la conquete de ces vastes
regions, a y envoy er des colons etdy faire prkher Vevangile au infi-
deles, demarche qui scandilisa les catholiques etfit rire les protestants
memes, surpris de voir un religieux qui se disait missionnaire
et notaire apostolique, exhorter un prince Mritique d fonder une
eglise dans le nouveau monde.**

Charlevoix.
Je terminerai ces notes sur les trois ouvrages du pere Hennepin
en rapportant lesjugements de M. M. Sparks et Falconer:
** Hennepin accompanied La Salle to the Illinois and there parted
from him. His account of the Mississippi south of this river is a
mere fabrication."

20. Tonti (le chevalier) Gouvemeur du fort St. Louis aux Illinois.
Demieres decouvertes dans TAmerique Septentrional de M.
de la Salle. Paris, Jean Guignard in 12o. 1597.
Cet ouvrage d iti reimprime plusieurs fois en Hollande soi4s le
litre de Relations de la Louisiane et du fleuve Mississippi. II a
eti tr adult en anglais et est intituU:

21. Account of Mons. de la Salle's last expedition and discoveries
in North America, published by the Chevalier Tonti. Lx)n-
don 8o. ' 1698.

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 27

Le pire Charlevoix et apres lui plusieurs icrivains ont pretendu
que Vouvrage de Tonti eiait apochryphe et aurait iti4esavoues par
lui, Des fautes d'impression, des inexactitudes dans certaines
dateSy quelques on dit rapportis irop legirement et surtout des
amplifications de rhitorique dues a Vediteur, ne sont pas des
preuvis suffisantes pour adopter Vopinion de Charlevoix^ qui,
ecrivant d'ailleur un demi stkle apres Tonti aurait eu peine a
recueillir de lui un pareil disaveu. Mais, en lisant Tonti il n'est
pas difficile de se rendre compte des causes du jugement mal-
veillant dont il d iti victime. Un pretre missionnaires le frtre
de la Salle, V avail honteusement trompe et Tonti en publiant sa
mauvaise action, s'etait attiri la colere et le resentiment des robes
grises et noires. Le pere Hennepin de son coti refuse a Tonti
jusqu'au courage et jusqu*a la fermete dont il d donni les preuvis
les plus eclatantes et qui sont etablii par les rapports officiels
des gouvemeurs de Canada. M. Falconer dans un outrage dont
nous rendrons compte ci apres, a publii pour la premitre fois en
1844 la traduction de plusieurs manuscrits provenant de Tonti et
il s'exprime ainsi sur Vouvrage dont nous venoms de donner le
tttre, .**this has hitherto been the chief authority respecting the
voyage down the Mississippi. But Charlevoix says that Tonti
disavowed the publication, declaring that it did him no honour in
any particular.

Mr. Bancroft calls it: **A legend full of geographical contradic-
dictions, of confused dates, and manifest fiction.'*

And Mr. Sparks {see No ) speaks of it: *'As a work not

to be trusted as a record of historical facts and that it is probable
that Tonti s notes fell into the hands of a writer in Paris, who
held a ready pen and was endowed with a most fertile imagina-
tion and that he infused his own invention so copiously into the
text of Tonti, that the task would now be utterly hopeless of se-
lecting the true from the false, except so far as any particular
passage may be confirmed by other authorities.'* In this volume
{of Mr. Falconer) the narrative of Tonti for the first time appears
in its original form. It confirms the accuracy of the remarks of
Mr. Sparks, respecting the great and extravagant additions that
were made to it in the published work, in which events were
transposed, geographical descriptions misplaced, and at the last
two-thirds of fiction added. It is therefore, needless to point out
what portion of it, the original narrative does not confirm. But
the errors of date in the published work are to be found tn the
original Thus 1679 is written by mistake for 1680 {page 63),

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28 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

the File Dieu in June, 1681, is placed in October {page 61\
June, 1683 for 1682 {page 74). And these mistakes run through-
out the narrative, though the facts appear to be recited in then
proper order. All that was known of de Tonti reflected the highest
honour on him. He must be ranked next to La Salle, among
those who contributed to the extension of the Western settlement of
Canada, and to his bold and repeated excursions down the Mis-
sissippi, the successful expedition of d' Iberville must be ascribed.
Whatever doubt the failure of the first expedition to the Gulf a)
Mexico may have produced in Fiance, must have been removed
by the information obtained through his courageous efforts to
save his countrymen. His memory has suffered, for nearly a
century and a half, under the reproach '*of his want of veracity
and from this it will be hereafter exempt.''

S'il etait necessaire de donner une autre preuve de ce que dit
M. Falconer, on la trouverait dans le passage suivant extrait du
Journal de la Harpe, page 9 sous la date de Mars, 1699:

"M. d* Iberville Stait incertain s'il etait dans le fleuve du Mis-
sissippi, n'y ayant trouvi aucune nation dont M. de la Salle
avail fait mention; ce qui venait de ce que lesTangibaos avaient
its detruits par les Quinipissas et que ces derniers avaient pris le
nom de Mongoulachas. II eut une grande satisfaction de ce
que M. de Bienville, en cherchant le breviere du pere Anasthase
qui V avail igari trouva dans un panier de ces sauvages quelques
paires d' hemes, sur lesquels etaient les ecrit les noms de plusieurs
Canadiens du detachement de feu M. de la Salle, et une lettre
qui etait addressepar M. le Chevalier de Tonti; ilydisait qu' ayant
appris par le Canada son depart pour la France, pour former
V etablissement de ce fleuve, il V avail descendu jusqu'a la mer
avec vingt Canadiens et trenie Chaouanons, sauvages des environs
deVOuabache. Cesnouvelles leverent entterement le doute et con-
firmirent la situation de Ventre du Mississippi par 29 degres.
On trouva aussi chez ces nations un corset d'armes a double
mailles de fil d*archal qui avail appartenu a Fernando de Soto,

22. Lahontan (le Baron de). Nouveau voyages dans TAmerique
Septentrionale avec un petit dictionnaire de la langue des
Hurons, Amsterdam 2 vols, in 12 ,cartes et planches. 1703.
Plusieurs editions de ce livre ont eie publics en Hollande de
1703 a 1735. II a ite traduit en allemand, en espagnol et en
anglais. Void le litre de cette dernier e traduction:

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride ei VAncienne Louisiane 29

23. New Voyages to North America containing an account of the
several nations of that vast continent; a geographical descrip-
tion of Canada and a dictionary of the Algoi^ine language
by Baron Lahontan, Lieut, of Placentia in New Foundland.
Maps and plates. 2 vol. in 8o. London. 1703 to 1735.

Dans voyages de Lahontan, il n'y a que son excursion a la rivUre
Umgue (St. Pierre) qui att trait & la Louisiane. Cette relation
est faite dans la lettre xvi de son livre. Charlevoix traite rude-
ment le Baron de Lahontan qui, de son coti, n'a pas manqui une
seule occasion de lancer des sarcasmes sur les jesuites et les
ricollets. Cest sans doute, a ses idis tres avances pour Vepoque
et a son style sans gene que Lahontan a du Vangouement dont il
a ete Tobjet; car tlfaut le reconneitre, le hableur perce trop souvent
dans ses narrations. Void le jugement que parte Boucher de la
Richarderie sur les voyages de Lahontan:
**Dans un temps ou, comme Vobserve Vedtteur de ce voyage, les
relations du Canada et des pays adjacents, presque toutes redjgis
par des missionnatres ne presentaient guere qu'un detail de
messes, de miracles, de conversions, celle de Lahontan qui, a des
fails authentiques, milait des fictions agreables, quoique icriles
d'un style dur et barbare, tel qu bon devatt Vattendre d*un soldat
de fortune, dut eti accuetlhe avec une certatne faveur. Ce qu'ti y
avatt de conforme d la virtte dans le voyage, dut en tmposer sur
se qu'tl contenatt de fabuleux; et des grands krtvatns d*une
grande reputation tels que Montesquieu, le client avec confiance.
Des relations posterieures onl devoile tous les difauts qu'on re-
proche avec justice a Lahontan. On a reconnu qu*il avail freque-
meni alteri les fails, que presque tous les noms propres des iieux
el des peuples etaienl corrompus et qu*il avail mime jeti dans sa
narration des episodes absolument fabuleuses.'*

24. Joutel. Journal historique du dernier voyage que feu M. de la
Salle fit dans le golfe de Mexique pour trouver Tembouchure
et le cours de la rivi&re de Mississippi, nomm6 § present la
Riyiere de St. Louis qui traverse la Louisiane. in 12 carte.
Paris. Etienne Robinot. 386 pages. 1713.
Get ouvrage a ele Iraduil en anglais sous le litre suivanl:

25. A Journal of the last voyage performed by Mons. de la Salle
to the Gulf of Mexico to find out the mouth of the Mississippi
river, by M. Joutel. Map in 8o. 209 pages. London. 1714.
Les peres Zenobe Membre et Anaslhase Douay, missionnaires
ricollets et Joutel, on raconti les premiers les diverses expedi-

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3(J The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

ttons atnst que la fin malheureuse du brave et tnfortuni la Salle;
Mats c'est & M. Sparks que nous devons une htstotre complete
de sa vie, 11 est d regretter que ce monument ilevi d la memotre
de la Salle, ne rait pas iti par une matnfrangatse; toutefotsje ne
serai pas seul d temotgner ma gratitude a M. Sparks pour son
ouvrage et je crots qu*elle sera partagi par tous ceux de mes
compatrwtes, jaloux de la gloire de leur pays,
Joutel rendu d'tmportants services d la Salle auquel il se montra
toujours divoui. Son journal est plein d'lntiret et par ait ecrit avec
sinceritL II n'a pas ete riimprimi et est devenu fort rare, aussi
bien enfrangais qu'en anglais. Cest avec raison que M, Falconer
a icrit:

''The fullest account of La SalWs second expedition was written
by Joutel. He was more fortunate in his editor than de Tonti. His
narrative may be most implicitly relied on, even in the few particu-
lars in which he differs from father Anasthase. His account of
Texas is brief, and yet he tells almost all that any other than a
scientific traveller could relate of its flat lands, open prairie, and
narrow belts of timber on the borders of its rivers. Any person
who has visited that country, will admit that he told itothing but
what he actually saw of it, and on this account, indepedently of
other reasons, will readily trust his relation of personal facts.'*

26. Bernard de la Harpe. Journal historique (de 1698 a 1720) de
TEtablissement des Francais a la Louisiane.

Cet ouvrage n'a ete imprime qu'en 1831 et d paru d laNouvelle
Orleans en 1 vol. in 8o. sur Vune des copies manuscrites qui
circulaient a la Louisiane a cette epoque. Les renseignements
que la Harpe nous a transmis sont on ne peut plus precieux.
Son livre ainsi que celui de Dumont continuent le journal de
Joutel. Cest du journal de la Harpe que M. M. Stoddard et
Darby ont tiri leur description de la Louisiane d cette ipoque.

27. A full and impartial account of the Company of Mississippi
otherwise called the French East India Company, projected
and settled by M. Law and others. London 8o. 1720.
Cette brochure de 79 pages publiee en anglais et en frangais est
Vhistoire de V etablissement de la Compagnie des Indes occiden-
tales et de la Banque de Law. Elle enumere les avantage^ incroy-
ables qui devaient en risulter pour les actionnaires en particulier
et pour tous les frangais en geniral. Elle renferme aussi une
description de la Louisiane. Je recommanderai aux persons qui
desiraient s'eclairer sur cette epoque, un livre publii en 1853,

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncimne Louisiane 31

chez Hachette et Cie. sous ce Hire: {Law et son ipoque), dont M.
Cochut est Vauteur. Cet ouvrdge est ausst curieux qu'interessant
pour Vhistoire de la Louisiane, puisque, c'est a la criation de
la Compagnie du Mississippi que la Nouvelle Orleans doit sa
fondation.

28. De risle (Guillaume) Gtographe du Roi. Sa lettre § Cassini
sur la carte de la Louisiane et sur rembouchure du Mississippi
insere dans le Recueil des voyages au nord, vol. 3e. Amster-
dam. . 1715.
Les deux cartes de G. de VIsle, Vune des pays baignes par le got}
du Mixique, publii en 1703, et V autre de la Louisiane qui d
paru en 1712, sont indispensables pour V intelligence des premiers
ouvrages ecrits sur cette contri et sur les pays adjacents. Elles
ont fait longtemps autoriti pour leur exactitude, fai loint a ces
notes une troistime carte, celle de la Nouvelle France, publii
egalement en 1703.

29. Bernard (J. F.) Litterateur et Libraire d'Amsterdam. Recueil
de voyages au nord contenant divers memoires utiles au com-
merce et § la navigation et im grand nombrede cartes. Amster-
dam. In 12c.

Une premiere edition en 4 volumes a paru en 1715.

Une seconde augiiient^ de 4 volumes en 1724.

Et enfin ime troisieme public in 1735 est en 10 volumes.

On trouvera dans ce recuetl relativement la Louisiane: Dans le

vol. Hi, la lettre de de risk a Cassini sur la carte de la Louisiane;

Dans le vol. v.. Relation de la Louisiane par un offtcier de marine;

Relation de la Louisiane et du fleuve Mississippi par le Chevalier

de Tonti.

Voyage en un pays plus grand que VEurope, par Hennepin

(sa 3e. publication.)

Dans le vol. ix. Relation des Natchez par le pire Le Petit,

missionnaire.

Decouverte d'un pays plus grand que VEurope, par Hennepin.

(sa 2e. publication.)

Cet inter essant recueil, dit Boucher de Richarderie, *'se trouve

assez rarement complet. On y trouve des notions precieuses sur

les animaux du Spitzberg, des relations de Groenland, de VIslande

de Terre neuve et de la Calif ornie; le recit des premieres tentatives

faites pour trouver un passage du nord et aux Indes; plusieurs

voyages en Tartarie et au Japon, avec d'excellentes observations

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32 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

sur les habitants de ces contrees; un voyage de Moscou a la Chine,
des memoires sur ce vaste efnpire, des relations tres itendues sur
la Louisiane; enfin un memoire fort curieux sur la porcelaine."

30. Bacqueville de la Poth6rie. Histoire de TAmerique septen-
trional, contenent le voyage du fort de Nelson dans la baie de
Hudson a Textremite de TAmerique, le premier etablissement
des Francais dans ce vaste pays, la prise du dit fort de Nelson;
la description du fleuve de St. Laurent, le gouvemement de
Quebec, des trois riviferes et de Mont Real depuis 1534 jusqu*s
1701; rhistoire des peuples allies de la nouvelle France, leurs
moeurs, leurs maximes, et leurs intferets avec toutes les
nations des lacs superieurs, tels que sont les Hurons et les
Illinois, Talliance faite avec les Francais et ces peuples, la
possession de tous ces pays au nom du Roi et tout ce qui
s'est passe de plus remarquable sous Messieurs de Tracy, de
Prontenac, de la Barre et de Denonville; Thistoire des Iroquois,
leurs moeurs, leurs maximes, leur gouvemement, leurs int^rets
avec les Anglais, leurs allies, tous les mouvements de guerre
depuis 1689 jusqu'en 1701, leurs negotiations, leurs ambassades,
pour la paix genferale avec les Frangais et les peuples allies de la
nouvelle France, Thistoire des Abenaquis, la paix g6n6rale
dans toute TAmerique septentrionale sous le gouvemement
de M. de Frontenac et M. le chevalier de Calliferes pendant
laquelle des nations eloignes de six cents lieus de Quebec
s'assembl&rent a Mont Real. Paris. Nyon et Didot, cartes et
figures 4 volumes in ^2o. 1722 et 1752.
Le litre qui pricidi donne un apercu sufftsant de Vouvrage. Bacque-
ville a decrit le premier d'une maniire exacte, les etablissements
desFrangais a Quebec, a Mont Real aux Trois Rivieres; tl a fatt
connaitre surtout dans un grand ditail et en jetant dans sa narra-
tion beaucoup d*interSt les moeurs, les usages, les maxtmes^la
forme du gouvemement, la maniere de faire la guerre et de con-
trader des alliances de la nation Iroquois, si cilibre dans cette
partie de VAmerique septentrionale. Boucher de la Rtcharderie.

31. Marest (Le p&re Gabriel) missionnaire. Lettre 6crite des
Illinois en 1712, insere dans le Recueil xi des lettres edifiantes
in 12o.

32. Rasle (le Pfere) Missionnaire Jesuite. Deux lettres 6crites des
Illinois, inserts dans le Recueil des Lettres Mifiantes, edition
in 12o. vol. 17 et 23. 1722-1723.
Le ptre Sebastien Rasle avail passe plus de vingt ans avec les

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Ouvrages Publies sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 33

sauvageSj dont il avail iti le tnailre et le compagnon; il les avail
rSunis en nn village florissant aulour d'une iglise qui s'eleve
grdcieusemenl sur les bords du Kennebec chiri de son troupeau.
II gouvernail palemellement sa mission. En 1720 le Gouverne-
ment de la nouvelle Angleterre s^etait empare par la ruse de
plusieurs chefs Abinakis et les retenait en dtage. Quoique la
rancon demandi pour les mettre en liberie eut eti payi, il con-
tinuait d les tenir captifs. Les Abinakis tninacerent alors les
Anglais d'exercer des represailles. Au lieu d'entrer en negotia-
tions les Anglais se saisirent du jeune Saint Castin qui tenait
d la fois une commission de la France et exercait comme fits
d*une mere abanaquise, le commandement sur les sauvages. Its
voulaient en mime temps forcer les Abinakis a leur hvrer le pere
Rasle. Mais n'ayant pu reussir a les persuader ils envoyerent
un corps considerable charge de surprendre le missionnaire. Les
guerriers etaient absent du village, le pire eut neamoins le temps
de se sauver dans les bois avec les veillards et les malades; et les
Anglais ne trouverent que ses papters. En 1723 les Anglais
dirigirent une nouvelle expedition contre les Abinakis et mirent
le feu au village. lis essayerent vatnement d deux reprises
differentes de se saisir du pire Rasle. Enfin, le 23 aout 1724, les
anglats arrivirent d Vimproviste et firent une decharge de mous-
queterie contre le village avant qu'on les eut apercus. II y avail,
environ cinquante guerriers dans la place. Chacun saisit ses armes
et tous sortirent moins pour combattre que pour protgier lafuite de
leursfemmes et leurs enfants. Rasle d qui leurs crisfit comprendre
le danger, s'elanca au dehors pours sauver son troupeau, en
attirant sur lui seul l* attention des assaillants. Son espoir nefut
point decu. Accabli d'une grile de balles il tomba au pied d*une
grande croix qu'tl avail planti au milieu du village. Sept
sauvages restis, avec lui pirirent a ses cotis.
M. Bancroft dans son histoire des Etats Urns s'expnme ainsi,
au sujet des missionnaires: Les missionnaires etaient heureux
des souffrances qu'ils enduraient pour la gloire de leur divin
mattre; ils obtenaieni en merne temps et sans la rechercher une
gloire immortelle aux yeux de la poster ite par leur travaux et leur
infatigable perseverance. En effet d quelles riguers, a quels dangers
ne s'exposait pas le missionnaire du cote de la nature et des
hommes en se rendant au milieu des sauvages. Luttant chaque
jour contre les aspirites du climat, frayant son chemin sur les
eaux ou la neige, privi de toutes les douceurs du foyer domestique,
n'ayant d' autre patn que du mais broye sous la pierre et souvent

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34 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

d'autre nourriture que la mousse dilittre qui croissait sur les
rocherSy il s'exposait d vivre, pour ainsi dire sans manger, d
dormir sans asile, d voyager au loin au milieu des dangers, pret
a subir chaque jour toutes les horreurs de la faim de la capttviti,
ou de la mort, qu'il la recut d'un coup de tomahawk ou au milieu
des tortures dufeu et des supplices inventus par les sauvages.*'
Abb6 Brasseur, Histoire du Canada.

30. Charlevoix (le pSre) J6suite. Journal d'lin voyage fait par
ordre du Roi dans la Louisiane en 1721 et 1722 addresse a la
Duchesse de Lesdiguifere, dans une serie de lettres.

Forme les volumes v. et vi. de Tedition in 12o. ou le vol. iii
Tedition in 4o. de son Histoire de la Nouvelle France. (Voir
ci aprfes no. 43) a 6te traduit en anglais sous ce titre:
Voyage to Canada and travels through that vast country and
Louisiana to the Gulph of Mexico. 2 vol. 8o. Maps. Lon-
don. 1761, 1763, 1766.
Avant depublier son grand outrage sur le Nouvelle France Charle-
voix fut envoyi en Amerique par le Due dVrleans, alors rSgent,
pour y recueillir sur place tous les renseignements, et y reunir
tours les documents dont il devaitfaire usage pari* a sutte. Aussi
trouve-ton dans ses ecriis ce que Von chercherait vainement
ailleur.

31. Lafitau (le p^re) J6suite. Moeurs des sauvages ameriquains
compares aux moeurs des premiers temps, ouvrage enrichi de
grand nombre de figures en taille douce, 2 vols, in 4o. Paris.
Le mSme ouvrage 4 vol. in 12. 1724.
Vauteur de cet ouvrage qui avatt reside longtemps parmi les
diverses peuplades de la Nouvelle France en decrit avec soin les
moeurs, les coutumes et la religion, Aussi, dit Charlevoix, c'est
Vouvrage le meilleur et le plus exact que nous ayons sur de sujet.
Le pere Lafitau possedait une connaissance approfondie de
Vantiquiti et le parallele qu*il Stablit entre les anciens peuples
et les Americains est aussi savant qu^ingenieux.

35. Coxe, (Daniel) of New Jersey. Description of the English
province of Carolina, by the Spaniards called Florida and by the
French la Louisiane. London. Map, 8o. 50 pages. Preface.
122 descriptions. 1722.

Reprinted several times.

Ce livre respire d*un bout a V autre, la jalousie la plus passionni,
contre la nation frangaise et d ce titre c*est un specimen pricieux

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Ouvrages Public sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 35

de ce que les ptijugis peuvent enfanier de haine entre deux pen-
pies. Malgre les affirmations reitteris de Dr. Coxe d' exploration
premiire, on sera grandement tentide croire qu'il a compose son
ecrit a Vaide de ceux du pire Hennepin et de Lahonian. II
reproduit les billevesis du premier relativement a une communi-
cation courte et facile avec la Chine par le Mississippi et copie
le second dans sa description de la Haute Louisiane.
II est probable que la premiire edition de Vouvrage du Dr. Coxe
est anterieure a 1722, premiere edition indiqui par Warden, car
on trouve a la fin de la traduction anglaise des voyages du pire
Hennepin public d Londres en 1699 le post-scriptum suivant:
*7 am informed a large map or draught of this country is prepar-
ing, together with a very particular account of the natives, their
customs, religion, commodities and materials for divers sorts of
manufactures, which are by the English procured at great expense
from other countries.*'

Or, il nepouvait etre question que de Vouvrage de Daniel Coxe, dont
la carte ressemble fort a celle du pere Hennepin publii en Hoi-
lande en 1698 et un peu a celle de Lahonian parue en 1703.
II pourrait se faire toutefois que Daniel Coxe ait juge a propos
de ne publier son livre qu*a Vipoque de la formation de la com-
pagnie du Mississippi, et quHl n*ait revendique la propriete de la
Louisiane pour la Grande Bretagne qu'afin de donner de V inquie-
tude aux actionnaires sur la validiti des litres territoriaux.
M. French dans sa collection histortque (voir No.) a reimprime
la description de Del Coxe, mais il en a supprimi la preface qui
est cependant la partie la plus curieuse de ce livre. A la premiire
page de la reproduction de M. French, on lit la note suivante:
The account of Louisiana has been very carefully drawn up from
Memoirs and Journals kept by various persons sent into the
Valley of Mississippi, by D. Coxe. The expedition fitted out by
him, consisting of two ships, commanded by Cap. Barr, were the
first to sail up the Mississippi {1598).

Je ne ferai pas d M. French le reproche d* avoir donni une date
pour une autre, faime mieux croire que c'est une faute typo-
graphique. Toutefois je retablirai la veriti la verte en citant
le passage de la preface de M. Coxe, extrait de I* edition public a
Londres en 1727, que fai sous les yeux:
'"The vast trouble and expense (those two great impediments of
public good) the said proprietor has undergone to effect all this
(the discovery of Louisiana) will scarcely be credited, for he not

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36 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

only, at his sole charge, for several years established and kepi up
a correspondence with the governor and chief Indian traders in all
the English colonies on the continent of America, employed
many people on discoveries by land to the west, north and south
of this vast extent of ground, but likewise in the year 1698 he
equipped and fitted out two ships, provided with abundance of
arms, ammunition, etc., not only for the use of those on board
and for discoveries by sea, but also for building a fortification
and settling a colony by land', there bein^ in both vessels besides
sailors and common men, above thirty English and French volun-
teers, some noblemen, and all gentlemen. One of these vessels
discovered the mouths of the great and famous river Meschacebe,
or, as termed by the French Mississippi, entered and ascended it
above one hundred miles (jusqu'au detour des anglais) and had
perfected a settlement therein tf the captain of the other ship had
done his duty and not deserted them. They howsoever, took possession
of this country in the King's name and left m several places the
arms of Great Britain affixed on boards and trees for a memorial
thereof. And here I cannot forbear taking notice that this was the
first ship that ever entered into that river from the sea, or thai
perfectly discovered or described its several mouths m opposition
to the boasts and falsities of the French who m their printed books
and accounts thereof assume to themselves the honour of both.'*

Je termmerai cette notice sur Vouvrage de Coxe en citant le
passage de Vhistoire de la Nouvelle France par le pere Charle-
voix {vol. Ill, p. 384 de V edition m 12o.) ay ant rapport a cette
premikre entri des anglais dans le Mississippi: "Af. d' Iberville
apprit par son frere Bienville, qui itait alter sonder les embouch-
ures du Mississippi, quau mois de septembre, 1699 une corvette
anglaise de douze cannons itait entre dans le fleuve et qu'il avail
diclarS d celui qui Va commandait qiie s*il ne se retirait, il itait
en etat de Vy contramdre que cette mesure avail euson effet, &a.

36. Kersland (John Ker de) Diplomate anglais. Memoire sur la
puissance des Francais a Hispaniola et sur le Mississippi.
(Forme le 2e. volumes de ses memoires publics k Rotterdam
en 3 vol. in 12o. avec une carte de la Louisiane). 1727.

Ce memoire icrit origmairemeni en anglais, mais dont je n*ai
vu que la traduction, parte la date de 4 Juillet 1721 ; il a done paru,
atnsi que le factum de Daniel Coxe, a Vepoque de la formation de
la Compagnie du Mississippi organise par Law avec Vappuis
du Regent. Cest le mime esprit de jalousie et d'hostiliti contre la

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louistane 37

France qui a tnsptri Vauieur. Apres avoir donni une descrtp-
Hon de la Louistane, de saferitltte, de ses ressources^ de la douceur
de son cUmat, tl s*efforce de dimontrer a ses concitoyens que la
puissance frangais ne saurait manquer de se developper au
milieu de (els element qu'alors tl ne resterait plus de sScurtti pour
les colonies de la Caroline et de la Virgtnie; que tout etabltssement
francais permanent sur les bords du Mississippi serait nuisible
a la Grande Bretagne et il conclut en envitant les ministres anglais
d prendre des mesures pour expulser les Francais, car, ajoute-til
''apres avoir affatblt notre commerce par degri dans I'Amertque,
lis ftntront par detrutre nos colonies,''

37. Cadenas, Z. Cano (Gabriel). (pseudonjone de Gonzales
de Barcia). Ensayo chronologico para la historie
general de la Florida desde el ano de 1512, que descubrio Ponce
de Leon hasta el de 1722. Madrid, info. 1723.

Le nom de Vauteur que porte cet ouvrage est un nom feint, il est
de Don Andri de Gonzalez de Barcia de Vacademie espagnol, un
des plus savans hommes de VEspagne. II d compris sous le nom
de Floride tout le continent et les ties ajacentes de VAmhique
septentrionale depuis la riviere de Panuco {Tampico) qui borne
le Mixique a I Orient. II rapporte par anni tout ce qui est
arrivi dans ces vastes contris depuis 1512 jusqu'en 1722." —
Charlevoix.

V ouvrage de Barcia est ecrit avec tmpartialite et tout en revendi-
quant pour ses compatriots la decourerte du pays, il se sert des
relations frangaises pour le dicrtre et en donner Vhtstotre. Mar-
quette, Leclercq, Tonti, Joutel et Hennepin sont cttis par lui
comme des autoritees auxquelles tl se refhe.
Uensayo chronologico conttent en entier la relation du docteur
Solis de las Meras, beaupere de Menendez qui prit le fart de la
Caroline en 1563 et fut Vordonnateur du massacre dont nous
avons park au No. 4. Inutile de dire que la version de Meras
ne resemsle en rien d celle de Laudonniire. M. Ternaux Campans
nous a donne la traduction de cette relation dans V ouvrage indiqui
sous le No. 12. Des Vannee 1688 les Espagnols avaient eti
avertis de la presence des Frangais d la Louisiane. Void le pas-
sage de Barcia (p. 287) qui y d rapport:
Rafael Huitz, ingles, prisoniero, aseguro al governador de la
Habana, estar poblados los franceses en el seno Mexicano, afirm-
ando avia estado en su poblacion de que daba muy larga noticia;
dispachole en una fragata a la Vera Cruz bien asegurado ando

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38 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

cuanto al conde de la Monclava; el qual luego que recibio las
cartas, llatnod don AndrSs de Pes que llevo el ingles a Mexico y
en su presencia y de otros, bolvio d su examinado y dijo el mtsmo:
determtnose en la juta que se htctesse otro vtage a la casta sep-
tentrtonale de el seno Mixtcano para reconecer un sttto d que no
podtan llegar navtos, par el embarago que causavan las muchas
tslas que tenia delante la tterra firme. El gran rtesgo y dtficultad
del camtno, y de consequtr al reconoctmtento apartaba de el, a
todos los cabos; pero conforme el vtrret con don Andres de Pes,
bolvto este a la Vera Cruz; traiendose el ingles; apresto unafragata
de la armada de Barlavento, y con una faluca, de 18 ramos (que
era la que havia de hacer el reconomiento) a 25 de marco 1688,
se hizo a la vela, llevando por piloto maior a Juan Enriquez Barroto;
en pocos dtas llego d la baia de Movila (Mobile), donde asegurado,
lasfragata de los temporales, guarnicio lafaluca, con 25 hombres,
armas y bastimientos, llevando el ingles y salio d la mar, costeando
por entre las islas, y tierra firme; a las seis dias llago al rio de la
Palicado o Mississippi (que ya los franceses llamaban San Luis
o Colbert), corrio 30 leguas sin hallar nada de loque el ingles
decia, y reconvenido de los oficiales respondio avia contado lo
que le aseguraron los franceses en Jamayca, y en la laguma de
de terminos; hecharon le en prisiones por que no huiese a los
indios; descanso don Andres alii dos dias; y paso al Puerto donde
esiaba la fragata, y metiendo en ella la faluca, se hizo d la vela.
Entro a 10 de maio en la Vera Cruz, traiendo diario de todo
sucededido; y con el,y la descripcion que Barroto hizo, paso don
Andres, a Mexico; hizose causa de pirata al ingles, y ^e le hecho
a galer.as, por este fraude.

38. Relation de la Louisiana ou Mississippi, 6crite a une dame par
un officier de marine. Publiee pour la premiere fois en Hol-
lande dans la collection de Bernard in 12o. en 1724.
// est probable que c'est la meme qui parut a Rouen en 1721, sous
le nom du chevalier de Bom epos et qui, plus tard, en 1768, fut
reimprime sous ce litre:

Journal d'un voyage fait a la Louisiane en 1720 par M

capitaine de vaisseau du Roi, in 12o.
Le pere Charlevoix en rendant compte de cette relation, dit:
''Vauteur etait un fort honnete homme et qui ne rapporte que ce
qu'il d vu ou appris sur les lieux; mais il n'a pas eu le temps de
sHnstruire beaucoup de la nature du pays encore mains de this-
toire de la Colonies

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 39

Gn pent ajouter que cet offtcier de marine commandait le vaisseau
sur lequel se trouvait le pere Laval, envoye par le Regent pour
relever les cotes de la Louisiane et que Vofficier et le religieux ne
firent qu'un ires court sejour d risk Dauphine et n'entrerent
meme pas dans le Mississippi.

39. Laval (le p&re) J6suite. Voyage fait a la Louisiane par ordre
du Roi en 1720 dans lequel sont trait6es diverses matiferes de
physique, d'astronomie, de geographie, de marine &a. fig. et
cartes. Paris, in 4o. 1728.
En meme temps que le Regent envoyait Charlevoix au Canada, il
chargeait le p^e Laval d*une mission scientifique dans le golphe
du Mixique pour reconnaitre le littoral de la Louisiane et de la
Flortde et fixer la position exacte de ses principaux points. II
s'embarqua sur une petite division navale qui portrait des vivres
et des colons a VIsle Dauphine', mais une maladie epidemique
qm sevit sur les equipages forca le commandant d retourner en
France et d ne sejourner que fort peu de temps a la Louisiane.
Ce commandant d donnS le journal de son voyage {Voir No. 38).
Quant au pere Laval, son ouvrage est purement scientifique et
depourvu d'tnteret sous le rapport historique.

40. Le Petit (le p^re) missionnaire Jfesuite. Lettre ecrite de la
Nouvelle Orleans au mois de Juillet 1730 et adress6e au p&re
Davaugour.

Cette lettre a ete insert dans le vol. xx du Recueil des Lettres
Edtfiantes, edition in 12.et dans le ix. volume de la collection des
voyages au nord.

Le pere Le Petit raconte en detail Vaitaque soudaine des Natchez
contre le poste frangais etabli pres de leur village, le massacre qui
enfut la suite. II deciit egalement les moeurs et les coutumes de
cette nation. La lettre est pleine d*interet d'un bout d Vautre.

M. Bruzen de la Martini&re Geographe du Roi d'Espagne. Intro-
duction a I'histoire de TAsie, de TAfrique, et de T Amerique, pour
servir de suite k Tlntroduction ^ Thistoire du Baron du Pufen-
dorif, 2 vol. in 12o. Amsterdam. 1735.

Ce qui concerne la Louisiane se trouve dans le 2e. volume de cet
ouvrage pages 387 et suivantes.

42. Catesby's (Mark) . Natural history of Carolina, Florida and the
Bahama Islands in English and French revised by Edwards
with Linnaen index. 2 vol. in fo. 220. Fine coloured plates.
London. 1771.

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40 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

La premiere edition de cet magnifique ouvrage remonte a 1731.
II est Ires estime par les naturalistes. Les descriptions de Catesby
sont fideles et comprennent les vegetaux ei les animaux de la
Louisiane.

43. Charlevoix (le peie de) Jesuite. Histoire et Description gen-
erate de la Nouvelle France avec le Journal historique d'un
voyage fait par ordre du Roi dans TAm^rique septentrionale.
Cartes et plans. Paris. Fiffart. 1744.
Le meme ouvrage, 6 vol. in 12 cartes et plans. Paris. Didot,
meme date.

Pour tous ceux qui ttennent d connattre Vhtstotre de la fondatton
et du developpement de la puissance francatse dans le Canada
''t dans la Loutstane.V ouvrage du pere Charlevoix est on ne peut
plus precieux. Vauteur a non seulement puisi aux meilleures
sources, mais en outre son talent, comme ecrivam est incontestable.
II est presque toujours clan, elegant et impartial. Rarement la
robe du Jesuite mfiue sur les jugements portes par Vhistorien.
Cette justice lui est rendue mime par les anglais, qui ont ite si
longtemps nos rivaux dans le Nouveau monde. Avant de donner
Vhistoire de la nouvelle France, le pire Charlevoix avait publii
une histoire du Japon et Vhistoire de St. Domingue. II d iti
longtemps Vun des prmcipaux ridacteurp du Journal de
Trevoux et t / d terrmne ses travaux par la publication de Vhistoire
du Paraguay. La maieur partie de ce qui concerne Vhistoire de la
Louisiane d ite traduit en anglais dans la collection mtituli:

44. The universal history from the earliest accounts of time, com-
piled from original authors, with a general index. 66 vol. 8o.
Maps and cuts. London. 1747 to 1754.
Le volume 40e. de V edition en anglais contient la Louisiane. Cet
ouvrage a ete traduit enfrancais avec des additions sous ce litre:

45. Histoire tmiverselle depuis le commencement du monde
jusqu'a present composee en anglais par une Socifetes de gens
de lettres; nouvellement traduite en francais par une Societe
de gens de lettres, enrichie de figures et de cartes. 126 vol. 8o.
Paris. 1788.
Dans cette traduction ce qui concerne la Louisiane, fait partie
du 117e. volume.

46. Dimiont de Montigny. Mfemoires historiques sur la Louisiane
contenent ce qui est arriv6 de plus memorable depuis Tann^e
1637 jusqu'a present (1740) avec Tetablissement de la colonic

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Ouvrages Publtis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 41

frangaise dans cet province de TAmerique septentrionale sous
la direction de la Compagnie des Indes; le climat, la nature
et les productions de ce pays, Torigine et la religion des sau-
vagesquiThabitent; leurs moeurs, et leurs coutumes &a. mis
en ordre par M. L. L. M. (rabbfe le Mascrier), ouvrage enrichi
de cartes et de figures. 2 vol. in 12. Paris 1753.

Dans la preface qui precede ces memotres Vedtteur qui les a
coordtnes s'exprtme atnst d leur sujet et sur le compte de Vauteur:
On peut regarder ces memotres htstortques comme servant de con-
ttnuatton au journal pubhe par le Sr. Joutel en 1713. Vau-
teur y donne d'abord une descrtptton exacte et assex etendue de
cette vaste province) de la tl passe d ce qut regarde le chmat, la
nature et les productions de ce pays, II y traite ausst des nations
sauvages qui Vhabitent. On trouvera dans la seconde partie tou^t
ce qui concerne V itablissement des frangais dans la Louisiane;
on y lira sans doute avec platsir quels ont itS les premiers fondements
et les faibles commencements de cette colonic aujour d'hu\ tris
florissante quels soins et quelles dipenses il en d coute de puis
1716 d la Compagnie nomme d'abord Compagnie dVccident et
deputs Compagnie des Indes pour procurer d la nation une
etabltssement utile et solide dans ce pays; on y verra les progris
successifs de la colonic et ses diverses translations de VIsle Dau-
phine au vieux et nouveau Biloxi, suivies de son etablissement
fixe d la Nouvelle Orleans. Vauteur y reconte les guerres que les
frangais eurent d soutemr contre les sauvages, et on s'apercervra
dans son recit qu'il s'est attachi d fane connaitre non seulement
les pastes etablis d la Louisiane avant Varrivi de la colonic
franqaiscy mats encore ceux qu'elle d occupis de nouveau. II n'a
rien negligi pour rendre son ouvrage curieux et utile. Ce n*est
nt un composi de descriptions chtmeriques et tmaginaireSy m une
compilation de relations fattes sur des rapports dourteux. Vau-
teur n*icrit rien dans ces Mhnoires dont tl n'att ite temotn et
dont tl ne se soit assure. Vingt deux ans de sejour qu'il d faits
dans ce pays, au service de la France, sa patrie, lut ont donni
le temps d* examiner tout par lutmeme; et comme il ne s'est
propose que la virttepour guide dans ces memotres, il crottpouvoir
espirer que du moins par cet endroit ils seront recus avec quelque
satisfaction de toutes les personnes senses.

On trouvera dans Dumont les deux premiers plans de la Nouvelle
Orleans, executes de 1718 d 1720 par La Tour et Pauge. La
premiere enceinte ne contenail que quatre islets et itait def endue

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42 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

par un parapet et des fosses. La seconde avail huit islets face au
fleuve sur cinq de profondeur.

47. Le Page du Pratz. Histoire de la Louisiane, contenant la
decouverte de ce vaste pays; sa description g6ographique, un
voyage dans les terre?; Thistoire naturelle, les moeurs, coutumes
et religion des naturels, avec leurs origines, deux voyages dans
le nord du nouveau Mexique dont un jusqu'a la mer du sud,
om6 de deux cartes et de 40 planches. Paris. 3 vol. in
12o. 1758.
Cet ouvrage d iti traduit en anglais sous le tttre suivant:

48. History of Louisiana or of the western part of Virginia by du
Pratz. Maps, in 8o. London. 1774.
Le Page du Pratz d reside dans la Louisiane de 1718 a 1734, II
rend compte dans son livre des voyages qu'il a fails et de ses ob-
servations; ces dermics sont fort inter essantes pour l* histoire
naturelle. Toute cette partie de son ouvrage perite les eloges qui
lui ont ete donnis par nombre d*krivains. II n'en est pas de
meme pour la partie historique qui est d'un mediocre mteret, car
on y trove reproduit sommairement des evenements que ses de-
vanciers avaient beaucoup mieux raconte que lui, et surtout
beaucoup plus en ditail. Cest done a tort que Vauteur a donne le
titre d' Histoire de la Louisiane a son livre, il eut Ste plus correct

* en Vintitulant, ''Voyages a la Louisiane.*'

49. Jeffery's* (Geographer to the King). Natural and civil history
of the French dominions in North and South America. Maps
and Plans. London, in fo. 1760.
27 Pages de V ouvrage de Jeffery ont ete consacres d la descrip-
tion de la Louisiane et a en resumer r histoire. Vauteur reproduit
les pretentions de Coxe auxquelles toutefois, il attache peu d'un-
portance, car de Le Page du Pratz qu'il tire sa description, a
laquelle il a joint les aventures de Belle Isle qui faillit etre mange
par les Attakapas en 1719. Bossu raconte tout au long dans
son premier voyage {vol. 2, Pag. 136 a 151) cet episode curteux
qui a fait croire aux premiers colons que la Louisiane renfermait
des tribus antropophages. L ouvrage de Jeffery a ete imprime avec
soin; les plans et les cartes en sont fort corrects.

50. Memoires historiques sur la negotiation de la France et de
TAngleterre, depuis le 26 mars 1761, jusqu'au 20 septembre de la
m§me ante avec les pieces justificatives. 60 pages in 4o.
Paris et Londres. (a et6 traduit en anglais la mSme ann6.)

1761.

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 43

On trouvera dans ce Memoire iouie la correspondance diplo-
matique qui d precede la paix de 1762 et qui d Hi ichangi entre
les cabinets de Versailles et de Saint James. Le Due de Choiseul,
au nam de I^outs xv, expose les fails qui ont entraine la rupture
du traiti d'Aix la Chapelle etenrejette la faute sur les agressions de
VAngleterre. A la suite de ce Memoire se trouvent trente pieces
signis Brunswick, Chotseul, Pitt, Stanley and de Bussy, dans
lesquelles on peut sutvre pas d pas la negoctatton qui abouttt
d^nttivement a la cession par la France d VAngleterre du Canada
et d'une partie de la Louisiane, Toutefois ces premieres negocia-
tions rompues en 1761 ne furent reprises que vers le mtlteu de
1762.

51. Bellin, Ing^nieur de la marine. Le petit atlas maritime,
Recueil de cartes et planr des quatre parties du monde en cinq
volumes: ler. Volume Am^rique septentrionale et Isles
Antilles; iie. Volume Am6rique m^ridionale, Mexique, Terre
Ferme, Bi^sil, Perou, Cbily. Ill eme Voliune. Asie et Afrique.
IV et Vme Volumes, Europe et les Etats qu'elle contient.
Public par ordre de M. le Due de Choiseul. 5 Vol. grand in 4o.
Paris. 1764.

Get atlas conttent pres de 600 cartes et plans sortts du depot de la
Marine; V execution en a iti faite en partie aux frais de VEtat.
Bellin a consacre plus de trente ans a ce travail et n*a rien epargne
pour qu*il fut digne du Ministre sous les auspices duquel il
paraissait. Le premier volume est tres precieux pour Vhistoire
de la Nouvelle France et de la Louisiane, car il contient plus de
trente cartes et plans de ces deux anciennes possessions fran-
caises.

Les cartes qui accompagnent Vhistoire de la Nouvelle France, par
le pere Charlevoix, ont ete dressis par Bellin.

52. Marigny de Mandeville. Memoire sur la Louisiane in 8o.
Paris. G. Despres. 1765.

Voici ce que dit Bossu a Voccasion de ce memoire qu'il m*a ete
impossible de m£ procureer: **En 1759 M. de Marigny de
Mandeville, offtcier de distinction, forma le dessm avec Vagrement
du gouverneur de la Louisiane de fane de nouvelles decouvertes
vers VIsle deBarataria; cefut dans cette vue qu'il travailla a une
carte generate de la colonic. Cet officier a fait a ses frais la decou-
verte de ce pays inconnu avec un zele mfatigable, qui caractirise
un digne citoyen."

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44 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

53. An account of the European settlements in America in six
parts. 2 vol. 8o. London. Dodsley. 1765.
On attribue cet ouvrage au celebre Edmund Burke; il d iti traduit
enfrangais sous le litre suivant:

54. Histoire des colonies europ^ennes dans TAmferique en six
parties, chaque partie contenant une description de la colonic,
de son 6tendue, de son climat &a. Paris, Nyon, 2 vol. in
12o. 1780.

Ce qui concerne la Loutsiane se trouve dans le volume second,
pages 35 et suivantes, de Vedition anglaise, et dans le vol 2e.
pages 37 et suivantes de Vedition francaise.

55. Bouquet's (Henry). An historical account of the expeditoin
to the Ohio Indians.in the year 1764, imder the command of H.
Bouquet. London. 1766.
Cet relation d ite traduit enfrancais sous le tttre suivant:

56. Relation historique de TexpMition contre les Indiens de
rOhio, en 1674, par le chevalier Bouquet, traduit de I'Anglais
par Diunas, enrichie de cartes et de figures, 8o. Amsterdam.
1769.

On trouvera dans le 3e. volume du voyage dans la haute Pennsyl-

vanie, par Crevecoeur {No ) des details fort interessants sur

cette expedition, les causes qui Vavaient provoquS et les resultats
qu*on obtint pour la tranquiliti ulterieure de toutes les contrees
Quest des Etats Urns.

57. Bossu, capitaine dans les troupes de la marine. Nouveau
voyage aux Indes occidentales, contenant ime relation des
differents peuples qui habitent les environs du grand fleuve
St. Louis, appele vulgairement le Mississippi, leur religion,
leur gouvemement, leurs moeurs, leurs guerres, et leur com-
merce. Paris. Le Jay, 2 vol. in 12o. fig. 1768.
Ces voyages ont ete traduit en Anglais sous ce litre:

58. Travels through that part of North America formerly called
Louisiana, by M. Bossu, captain in the French marines.
Translated from the French by John Reinhols Forster, illus-
trated with notes relative chiefly to natural history. To which
is added, by the translator, a systematic catalogue of all the
known plants of North America, or a Flora America septen-
trionalis, together with an abstract of the most useful and
necessary articles contained in Peter Loefling's Travels.
(Swedish traveller). 2 vol. in 8o. London. 1771.

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 45

Le capttatne Bossu est arnvi d la Loutstane en 1750, et tl Va
parcourue pendant douze ans, Dans tme serte de lettres ecrttes
a un officter de ses arms, tl raconte tout ce qu'tl d observi et tout
ce gut est venu a sa connaissance sur la Louisiane. Cette cone-
spondance est fort curieuse et elle inter esse par la variete des sujets
qui y sont traitis. La traduction de ce line d paru, lorsque par le
traits de 1762, une partie de la Louisiane, ainsi que le Canada
avaient StS cidis d VAngleterre et qu*il importait defournir au public
de cette nation une connaissance exacte du pays nouvellement
acquis. Le traducteur, en choistssant Bossu d, par ce fait, rendu
hommage d son merite. II d joint aux lettres de cet ecrivam une
flore extraite des voyages de Loefling et de Kalm, savants natural-
istes suedois, qui avaient vtsiti la Louisiane anterieurement d
Bossu, mais dont les ouvrages n'ont pas iti traduits en frangais.

TROISIEME EPOQUE.

Ouvrages publics apr6s la cession de la Louisiane
a TEspagne et a TAngleterre.

59. O'Reilly (Alexandre). Sa proclamation aux habitans de la
Louisiane et en prenant possession au nom du Roi d'Espagne
datfe ^ la Nouvelle Orleans le 25 novembre. 1769.
Cette piece estdonni tout au long par M. Gayarre d la Jin de la
premiere partie de son histoire de la Louisiane pages 383 et
suivantes.

59 bis. "^ Stork's (William). A description of east Florida with a
journal kept by John Bartram of Philadelphia, botanist to his
Majesty for the Floridas, upon a journey from St. Augustine
up the river of St. John's as far as the lakes. Maps and plans.
4o. London. • 1769.

Jefais mention de cet ouvrage parmi ceux ecriis sur la Louisiane
par la raison qu'il ne contient en grande partie que des descrip-
tions qui sont communes aux deux contres et quHlfut redigepar
deux hommes distinguis ayant une mission speciale du gouverne-
ment anglais de visiter lepays et d' en f aire connaitre les avantages
a ses nouveaux proprietaires.

60. Pittman's (Capt. Philip). Present state of the European
settlements of the Mississippi illustrated by plans and draughts.
London. In 4o. 1770.

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46 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Cest (Tapres M. Warden que je donne le litre de cet ouvrage, car
je n'ai pu me le procurer ni en Angleterre, ni le trouver dans les
Bibliotheques de Paris.

61. Kalm's (Peter). Travels into North America containing its
natural history, with the civil, ecclesiastical and commercial
state of the country, translated into English by John R.
Forster. Washington, 3 vol. in 8o. Cuts and maps. 1770.
Uauteur de ces voyages etait un naturaliste suedoisfort distinguL
Son ouvrage parut pour la premise fois en 1754 et fut imprimi
a Goettingue. Je n'en connais aucune traduction frangaise.

62. Raynal. Histoire philosophique et politique des etablisse-
ments et du commerce des Europeans dans les deiix Indes.
Amsterdam. 11 vol. 8o. et atlas. 1770 6 1781.
A etait tradutte en anglais sous ce litre:

63. History of the settlements and trade of the Europeans in the
East and West Indies. 6 vol. in 12o. London. 1782.
La premitre idition de cet outrage celebre public de 1770 a 1774
en 7 volumes in 8o, et atlas contient dans le volume 7e, pages 98 a
135 J un apercu historique de la Louisiane et des reflexions sur la
cession qui venait d*en etrefaite a VEspagne. Lauteur les termine
ainsi: ''La Louisiane opprime par ses nouveau maitres a voulu
secouer un joug qu'elle avail en horreur avant meme de Vavoir
ports ; mais repousse par la France quand elk venait se rejeter
dans ses bras, elle est retombe dans les fers qu'elle avail tente de
briser, Les cruautes qu'un gouvernement outrage n'a pas
manquer d'exercer contre elle, n'ont fait qu'augmenter une haine
trop antique pour s'eteindre.** Plus tard, en 1781, Raynal a
complete son travail en publiant en quatre volumes de supplement
aux sept premiers, Ce qui concerne la Louisiane se trouve dans le
volume 3e. pages 353 a 401. Dans les editions poster ieures a cette
epoque les deux parties ont ete fondues ensemble.

64. Prev6t d'Exile (rabb6). Histoire generales des voyages ou
Nouvelle Collection de toutes les relations des voyages par
mer et par terre qui ont ete publics jusqu'a present (1746) dans
les differentes langues de toute les nations connues, contenant
ce qu'il y a de plus remarquable, de plus utile, et mieux av^r6
dans les pays ou les voyageurs ont penetre &a. enrichie de cartes
g^ographiques, de plans et de perspectives; de figures d'ani-
maux, de v^getaux, habits antiquites &a. Paris. Didct, 16
volumes in 4o. dont un (le XVIe.) de tables. Plus un supple-
ment par Chompre et Querlon, 3 vol. Les cartes et plans

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 47

reunis forment egalement 3 volumes; ensemble 21 volumes in
4o. publics de 1746 a 1770. Cette volumineuse collection dans
laquelle ont puis6 tant d'6crivains, et dont on a donne des
abrtgfe sous tant de formes, est tou jours recheichee, surtout
pour la beaute des gravures execut^es par d'habiles artistes sm
les dessins du cgl6bre Cochin et pour les cartes et les plans
qui sont egalement bien 6xecut6s.

Ce qui concerne la Floride et la Louisiane est contenu dans le
XIV e volume de cette edition) pages 415 a 458 et pages 606
a 637.

65. Ulloa (Ant. de). Noticias americanas de los territorios, climas
y produciones con relacion de las petrificaciones de cuerpos
marinos de las antiquitades, sobre la lengua &a. In 4o. Mad-
rid. 1772.
Cet ouvrage remarquable a ete traduit par Lefebure de Villebrune
avec de nombreuses additions sous le litre suivant:

65 bis. Memoires philosophiques, historiques, physiques contenant
la decouverte de I'Amerique, ses anciens habitans, leur
moeurs, leurs usages, leur connexion avec les nouveau habi-
tans, leur religion ancienne et moderne, le produit des trois
regnes de la nature, et en particulier les mines leur exploitation
&a. avec des observations et additions sur toutes les mati&res
dont il est parl6 dans Touvrage. Paris. Buisson. 2 vol.
in 8o. 1787.

Don Ulloa guidpu etre unfort mauvais gouverneur de la Louisiane
n'en etait pas moins Vun des hommes les plus distingues de son
epoque, un bon observateur et un ecrivain dont les productions
resteront.

On trouvera dans le premier volume de ces Memoires grand
nombre d' observations sur la Louisiane^ sa temperature^ ses
productions, son sol, les maladies qui y regnent &a, Don Ulloa
a publie en colloboration avec George Juan, un voyage historique
de VAmerique meridionale 2 vol in 4o, critique anglais porte le
jugement suivant sur cet ouvrage:

''Juan and Ulloa's Travels may be selected as the most interest-
ing and satisfactory work of its kind; they are the unacknowledged
source of much that has been published in other forms,*'

66. American husbandry, containing an account of the soil, climate,
productions and agriculture of the British colonies in North
America and the West Indies, by an American. 2 volumes
in8o. London. 1775.

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48 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Cet ouvrage sur V agriculture de VAmhique septentrionale publii
sans nom d*auteur, parait etre Vun des premiers qui ont ete ecrtts
sur cette mattire, Ce gut concerne la Loutstane se trouve dans
le 2e, volume pages 62 a 94. La Flortde se trouve dans le meme
volume Pages 40 a 58.

67. Champigny (le chevalier de). L'Etat present de la Louisiane
pour servir de suite a Thistoire des ^tablissements des Euro-
p6ens dans les deux Indes. La Haye 8o. 1776.
Le tttre de cet ouvrage d iti prts dans V ouvrage de Warden. Je
n'ax pu me le procurer dans les Btbhotheques de Parts.

68. Roman's (Captain Bernard). A concise natural history of
East and West Florida, containing an account of the natural
produce of all the southern parts of British America, in the
three Kingdoms of nature, particularly the mineral ancj vege-
table, &c., in 12o. N^ York, Aitkin 1776.
Volney dans son Tableau du sol et du climat des Etats Unts fait
rSloge de ce livre, dont je ne connais pas de traduction francaise.
Boucher de la Richarderie en parte le jugement sutvant:

'* Romans etait tout a lafois un medecin eclair i et un observateur
judiciaux. II s'est attachi d'abord a decrire le climat de la Floride
et les maladies qui Vaffligent. Elles ant surtout leur principe
dans les variations brusques de la temperature, qui sont plus
funestes dans la Floride que dans beaucoup d'autres parties de
VAmerique, ou elles ont egalement lieu. II entre ensuite dans des
details sur les trois peuples indigenes de la Floride, les Chicassas,
les Chactas et les Criks confidirSs; il peint des plus noires couleurs
leur character e moral. La salete, la faineantise, le penchant pour
le vol, Vorgeuil le plus excessif, la vanite la plus facile a blesser,
la perserverance dans les haines, Vatrociti dans les vengeances
un plaisir feroce d repandre le sang, forment les traits du tableau.
Les productions du sol de la Floride ont iti aussi fobjet des re-
cherches et des observations de cet ecrivain.*'

69. Bossu. Nouveaux voyages dans TAm^rique septentrionale
contenant une collection de lettres fecrites sur les lieux par
Tauteur k Tun de ses amis in 8o. fig. Amsterdam. 1777.
Le capitaine Bossu qui avail quitti la Louisiane en 1762, y
retourna 8 ans plus tard, en 1770 et la trouva encore dans la
consternation ou Vavaient jete les evenements tragiques du 7
Septembre de Vanne precedents

Les officiers frangais victimes de la cruaute de O'Reilly avaieni
iti les frires d'armes du capitaine Bossu, il rend compte de leurs

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Flortde et VAncimne Louisiane 49

. dernier $ .moments et de I' impression pr(^onde produite dans la
colonie par €ette sanglante execution.
i On trouvera egalemeni dans ce volume la lettre du Roi Louis XV
d d'Abbadiei daiee de Versailles ie 21 avril, 1764, dans laquelle
il lui annonce que par tratti particulier fait avec le roid'Espagne
le 3 novembre, 1762, il lut avail cede la Louisiane et lui ordonnail,
"aussitot que le Gouveneur et les troupes de ce monarque seront
arrtvis vous ayez d les mettre en possession, et d retirer tous les
offtciers, soldats et employes a mon service.*'

70. Hutchin's. Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsyl-
vania, Marylaind and North Carolina, comprehending tJie
rivers Ohio, Wabash, Illinois, Mississippi, &c. 8o. Maps.
London. 1778.
Get ouvrage d StS traduit en francais par Le Rouge, sous le litre
suivant:

71. Description topographique de la Virginie, de la Pennsylvanie,
de Maryland^ et de la Caroline du Nord, contenant les riviferes
d'Ohio, Kenhawa, Soto, Chirokee, Wabash, Illinois, Missis-
sippi &a. le climat, le sol, les productions, tant animales que
vegdtales ou niin6rales &a. Plus im supplement qui contient
1^ Journal de Patrice Kennedy sur la rivifere de Illinos. 2
cartes, Paris, Le Rouge. 1781.
Quelques annees apres Hutckin publia une Description de la
Louisiane et de la Floride, elle se trouve dans V ouvrage dimlay,
pages 38S a 458. {voir No. 88.)

72. Carver's (J.) Travels through the interior parts of North
America in the years 1766, 1767 and 1768 by J. Carver, cap-
tain of a company of provincial troops during the late war
With France, illustrated with copper plates coloured maps.
D»ndon. 1779-1781.
Ges voyages ont eti traduit en francais sous ce litre:

73. Voyages daps les parties interieures de TAmerique septentrio-
nale pendant les annfees 1766, 1767, 1768 par J. Carver, capi-
taine d'lme compagnie de troupes provinciales pendant la
guerre du Canada entre la France et TAngleterre in 80. cartes.
Paris et Yverdon.' 1784.
Le capitaine Carver ni dans le Connecticut , entra fort jeune
dans le regiment de ce nom et y servii jusqu'en 1757,' soil comme
enseigne, soil comme capitaine. II echappa par miracle au
massacre que les Iroquis firent de la garrison du fort William

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50 The Loummta Historical Quarter ty

dans cette mime anni, et il raconte cei evenement de la maniere
la pli4S pittoresque. II etait doue d'un esprtt entreprenant et
aveniurieux; aussi apres avoir quttte le service, d la paix de 1762,
resolui'il de reconnaitre les regions les plus interteures de VAmeri-
que et de peneirer, s*il etait possible, jusqu'a la mer Pacifique.
Les relations qu'tl nous a donnSs de ses voyages et de ses observa-
tions au milieu des nations indiennes pendant un sejour de trois
ans sont des plus inter essantes.

Les voyages du capitaine Carver ont ete accueillis en Angleterre
avec la plus grande faveur et trois editions de son livre y ont eti
pubhis successivement en moins de trois ans.
74. Pages (capitaine des vaisseaux du Roi). Voyage autourdu
monde et vers les deux p61es par terre et par mer pendant les
ann6s 1767 a 1776. Paris. Moutard, 2 vol. 8o. cartes. 1782.
Cest en 1767 que le capitaine Pagis visita la Louisiane dans
laquelle il ne fit qu'un court sejour. On lira neanmoins, avec
interet la description quHl en donne, et surtout son voyage par k
fleuve, de la Nouvelle Orleans d la riviire rouge. 11 est curieux
de comparer les moyens de transport que Von employait alms avec
ceux qui existent maintenant; r humble pirogue creusi dans un
tronc d'arbre avec les splendides palais flotiants qui courent le
Mississippi. Et cependant cette transportation s'est operi en
moins d*un siecle! Void le passage auquel je fais allusion:
** Pendant mon sejour d la Nouvelle Orleans, un negociant de
cette ville fit equiper une pirogue de cinq avirons en marchandise
de traite pour les Indiens sauvages des Natchitoches', je saisis
cette occasion et m'y etant embarquS, je partis le 4 d'aout. Cette
pirogue avail environ trente cinq pieds de longueur sur quatre de
largeur elle etait formee d'un seul gros arbre creusi; elle etait faite
pour alter legtrement et bien gouverner; il y avail a Vavant un
excedant de bois relevi de deux pieds au moins, en forme de
coquille entreouverte; cet excedent etait tailU tres fin, pour qu'il
put ecarter Veau au pieds des chutes, et fendre le courant en le
remontant, sans risque d'etre submergi. Nous etions huit hommes
en tout, savoir: cinq rameurs, dont deux negres, un canadten qut
venait d'arriver de son pays par les terres, et deux matelots qui
furent ensuite remplacis par deux sauvages, le patron de la
pirogue, le proprietaire et moi. La rapidite du courant, augmenti
par la quantite d'embarras qu'on rencontre ne nous permettait de
faire que quatre lieux par jour."

Le capitaine Pagis arriva aux Natchitoches le 2 Septembre apres
un voyage de 29 jours.

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Ouvrages Pubais sur la Flaride et VAncienne Louisiane 51

75. Filson's (John). Discovery, settlement and Present State of
Kentucky. Published in the year 1784. To be found in
Imlay's Topographical Description of the Western territory
of North America, pages 306 to 387. (See No. 88.)

V outrage deFilson a ete traduit enfrancais sous le litre suivanl:

76. Histoirede Kentucky nouvelle colonie & TOuest de la Virginie,
contenant: la d^couverte, Tacquisition, T^tablissement, la de-
scription topographique, Thistoire naturelle &a. du territoire.
La relation historique du Colonel Boon, &a. avec une carte;
Guvrage pour servir de suite aux lettres d'un cultivateur
Americain, traduit par Parraud, 8o. Paris, Buisson. 1785.
Ce line esl le premier qui ait fait connaitre Vinterieur du Ken-
tucky et les bords de VOhio, Le certificat suivanl fut deltvre a
J, Filson au mois de mai, 1784.

'*We, the subscribers, inhabitants of Kentucky and well ac-
quainted with the country, from its first settlement; at the request
of the author of this book, have carefully revised it, and recommend
it to the public as an exceeding good performance containing as
accurate a description of our country as we think can possibly
be given; much preferable to any in pur knowledge extant and
think it will be of great utility to the public. — Daniel Boon, Levi
Todd, James Harrod.'*

77. Smyth's. A tour in the United States of America containing
an account of the present situation of that country, &c., with
a description of the Indian nations, &c. London. 2 vol.
In 8o. 1784.
Cet ouvrage d iti tradutt enfrancais sous le litre suivant:

78. Voyage dans les EtatsUnis de TAm^rique fait en 1784, con-
tenant une description de sa situation pr6sente, de sa popula-
tion, &a. Paris Buisson. 2 vol. in 8o. 1791.
Vepoque indtqui par le traducteur au voyage de Smyth n'est pas
exacte, car il le commenca au mots d'aout 1771 avant la guerre de
V Independance et revint et Angleterre en 1783.

On trouvera dans le chapitre 46, la relation de sa visile a la Nou-
velle Orleans, ou il fut accueilli par M. M. Claiborne et Fields.
Smyth ne considerait pas alors le gouvernement espagnol aussi
populaire parmi les Louisianais que M. Gayarre s*est etforci de
nous le montrer (voir No. 153). Void en quels termes le voyageur
s'exprime a cet egard:
**At this time so great ts their desire to be under British govern-

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52 The Louisiana Hisi&rical Quarterly

menu (tnd so generai, so hearty, ^o rooted is their detestation to
that of Spain, that only a dozen or two of Britons of spirit and
enterprise, would be able to wrest all that country from the Span-
iards; as the inhabitants are all French, excepting the garrison,
which consists only of a handful of lazy, proud, miserable Span-
iards, who despise the French settlers as cordially as they them-
selves are hated by them in return. The number of families tn the
town and island of New Orleans and on the west side of the
Mississippi may amount to twelpe thousand at least, all of whom
are thus averse to be governed by the Spaniards'

79. Crfeve Coeur. (Saint Jean de). Lettres d'un cultivateur
Ameiicain, 6crites depuis Tannee 1770 jusqu'en 1786, traduites
de TAnglais et enrichies de cartes et de figures, 3e. edition.
Paris. Cuchet, 3 vol. in 8o. 1787.
(La premiere Edition publiee en 2 volumes est de 1784.)

80. Le Meme. Voyage dans la haute Pensylvanie et dans TEtat
de New York. 3 cartes et planches. Paris. Maradan. 3
vol. 8o. au IX. • 1801.
Creve Coeur, ne en France mais eiabli dans les colonies anglo-
Americaines depuis Vage de 16 ans, s'y etait naturalisL Devenu
proprietaire d'une habitation sur les frontieres, il fut Vune des
premikres victimes de la guerre de VIndependance. Less outages
alliis de VAngleterre incendiirent ses possessions. Cest principale-
meni aux differ entes ipoques de cette guerre qu'il ecrivit ses leitres ; les
anecdotes quHl y a repandues sont auiani de petits drames atten-
drissants que d*habiles mains pourraient mettre en oeuvre sur
olusieurs de nos thiatres. Quant au voyage, il peui eire considhi
comme une suite des lettres d'un cultivateur Americain. La
situation des personages qu'il met en scene a le mhne charme,
les tableaux qu'il trace de la nature sauvage sont ausst riches;
Vinteret quHl inspire pour un peuple qui vient de briser ses fers,
est aussi vif.

Mais ce qui distingue surtout ce voyage, ce sont des details pre-
cieux sur Vetat des peuples indigenes de cette partie de VAmirique
septenirionale avant Varrivee des Europeens, sur les causes de
leur deperissement et de leur faiblesse actuelle, sur la nature du
climat ou les etablissement progresses des Europeens les ont
confines enfin sur la revolution importante que ces progres Id
mime ont operi dans les immenses contres attenantes aux
Etats Unis.
Aucun voyageur n'a si bien decrit ces assembles generates ou

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Ouvrages Public^ sur la Floride, $1 VAncienn^ Louisiane 53

Cornells que iiennent les squvages ppur dilibher sur leurs inttrtts
politiques. Lauteur qui yd assiste rapporU quelques uns des
discpurs qu'ils y prononcerent and Von y admiri un eloquence
agreste ei sublime comme la nature'* Boufih^ de la Richarderie.

81. Histpire et description de la Louisiane ou le Mississippi lorsqu'il
et^it ^ la France.

C'est un rtsumfe historique et destriptif de la Louisiane, dont
Tauteur est anonyme; il est ins6r6 dans un ouvrage qui a pour
titre:

Voyages interessants dans differentes colonies frangaises
espagnols, anglaises, &a. contenent des observations impor-
tante^ relatives a ces contrfees. 8o. Londres et Paris. 1788.
Boucher de la Richarderie dans le Ve. volume de sa Bibliotheque
des voyages, pages 515 et suivantes, rend compte de ce hvre dont le
principal merite consiste dans les descriptions de Porto Rico et
de Curagao, qui y spnt inserees.

82. Bartram's (Williams). Travels though North and South Car-
olina, Georgia, E^t and West Florida, the Cherokee country,
the extensive territories of the Muscogulges or Creek confed-
eracy, and the country of the Choctaws, containing an account
of the soil and natural productions of those regions, together
with observations on the manners of the Indians. Embelished
with copper plates, map, in 8o. Philadelphia and London.
1791-1794.

Nous avons en frangais une bonne traduction de cet ouvrage; elle
est intitulee:

83. Voyage dans les parties sud de TAm^rique septentrionale
savoir: les Carolines, les Florides, le pays des Cherokees, le
vaste territoire de§ Muscogulges ou de la confederation Creek
etle pays des Chactas; contenant des details sur le sol et les
productions naturelles de ces contr6s et des observations sur
les moeurs des sauvages qui les habitent. Imprim6 a Phila-
delphie en 1791 et a Londres en 1794 et traduit de Tanglais
par V. Benoist 2 vol. in 8o. cart^ et fig. Paris an VII. 1799.
William Bartram etait fits de John Bartram, botaniste du Rot
d'Angleterre, lequel accompagnait Stork en 1764 pour explorer
les contrees nouvellement acquises de VEspagne et de la France
par les Anglais, et dontfai in4iqu4 le journal sous le No, 59 bts,
William formS d Vecole d'un pire aussi distingui d dignement
marchS sur les traces; il doit etre rangS presd^ Catesby, de Kalm,
de Loeffling et de Robin. Son livre, aussi int^essatit pour la

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54 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Louisiane que pour la Floride, est certaitutnent Vun des meilleurs
qui aient ite ecrits sur Vhistoire naturelle de ces deux contris
dont les productions sont identiques. Boucher de la Richarderie
s'exprime ainsi sur Vouvrage de W. Bartram: **En visitant les
vastes contris dont le litre du voyage fatt r enumeration Bartram s*est
d singulurement attachi d Vhistoire naturelle et surtout d la
botanique des pays, objet principal de ses recherches. II ne
laisse presque rien d desirer aux naturalistes sur cette derniere
partie.

Quoique les recherches de ce voyageur soient principalement dirigh
vers cette tranche des productions de la nature il riapas negltgi
d'observer son plus bel ouvrage Vhomme. II Va soigneusement
etudii chez celles des nations sauvages ou H conserve encore dans
totUe sa rudesse Vempreinte de ses traits primitifsJ*

84. Long's (J.) Voyages and Travels of an Indian interpreter
and trader describing the manners and customs of the American
Indians, with a vocabulary of the Chippeway language,
a list of words in the Iroquis, Mohigan, Shawnee and
Esquimeaux Tongue. In 4o. London. 1791.

Ces voyages ont ete traduits en francais par M. Billecocq sous le
litre suivant:

85. .Voyages chez les differentes nations sauvages de TAm&ique
septentrionale, renfermant des details curieux sur les moeurs,
usages, ceremonies, religieuses, &a. des Cahnuagas, des In-
diens des cinq et six nations &a. avec des notes et des additions
intferessantes. Paris, Proult. In 8o. an 2. 1794.

Long commenca ses voyages en 1768 et les termina en 1787; a la
profession de trafiquant, il joignait celle dHnterprete des langues
indienneSy aussi a-t-il fait suivre son voyage d'un vocabulaire de
langue Chippeway que Billecocq n'a pas traduit en francais.
Volney dans son Tableau du climat and du sol des Etats unis
le regrette en ces termes: **Il est facheux que le traducteur de
Long se soil permis de supprimer les vocabulaires, pour quelque
economic de librairie. Cet ouvrage merite reimpression avec cor-
rections car il est le plus'ftdele tableau que je connaisse de la vie
et des moeurs des sauvages et des trafiquants Canadiens.*' Bille-
cocq a du reste enrtchie sa traduction de notes tiris des aventures
deLeBeau, de Vhistoire de la Nouvelle France de Marc Lescarbot,
du Journal de Charlevoix et de beaucoup d'autres ouvrages sur
VAmerique septentironale.

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Otivrages Publiis sur la Floride ei VAncienne Louisiane 55

86. Morse's (JediWah). The American geography; or a view of the
Present Situation of the United Srates of America, &c. Illus-
trated with two sheet maps, Bo. Londcm. 1792.

Cet ouvrage a iti traduit enfranfais sous le litre suivant:

87. Tableau de la situation actuelle des Etats Unis d'Amferique
d'aprfes Jedidiah Morse et les meilleurs auteurs Am^ricains par
Ch. Pichet de Genfeve, ouvrage enrichi 4^ beaucoup de cartes
et de tablequ. Paris. Dupont. 2 vol. 8o. 1795.

Cesl le premier traiti gentrale de geographie ecrtt par un Amtri-
cain sur les Etats Unis et les possessions qui les avoisinaient.
La description de la Basse Lauistane alors en possession de
VEspagne, est fort courte, mais en revanche, Vauteur s'esi attachi
a decrire d'une maniere particuliere tout le territoire de VOuest
qui composait anterieurment la haute Louisiane.

88. Imlay's. Topographical Description of the Western Terri-
tory of North America; to which is added Filson's histCMy of the
discovery and settlement of Kentucky, the adventures of Col.
Daniel Boone, one of the first settlers; minutes of the Pianka-
skaw council; and the manners and customs of the Indian
nations in the limits of the thirteen united provinces. 8o.
Maps. London. 1792.

Cet ouvrage qui d iti reimprimi plusieurs fois en angleterre, est la
meilleure collection de ce qui avail iti publti d cette ipoque sur les
contris de VOuest, dont Vauteur fait la description dans une
serie de lettres icrites du Kentucky et d la suite desquelles il donne
en entier: La dicouverte et V etablissement du Kentucky par
Filson; une description de la Louisiane par Hutchins et nombre
d'autres documents fort interessants.

89. Winterbotham's (W.) An historical, geographical and philo-
sophical view of the United States of America and of the Euro-
pean settlements in America. 4 vol. 8o. Philadelphia. 1796.
Vauteur de cet ouvrage, beaucoup plus etendu que ceux de Morse
et d'Imlay, indique dans sa preface le plan qu'il a suivi et la
matiere des quatre volumes:

''The attention of Europe in general, and of Great Britain in
particular, is drawn to the new world, the editor at the request of
some particular friends, undertook the task which he hopes he has
m some degree accomplished m the following volumes, in affording
his countrymen an opportunity of becoming better acquainted with
its settlements by Europeans. The events that led to the establish-

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56 The LouisianaHisiof teal Quarierty

ment and independence of the United States. The nature of their
government. Their present situation and advantages together
with thetr future prospects in commerce, manufactures and agri-
culture. This formed ^ the principal design of the book, but he
farther wished with this to connect a general view of the situation
of the remaining European possessions in America. This has
been therefore attempted and nearly a volume is dedicated to this
subject.''

Dans le quatrieme volume de cet ouvrage on trouvera une histoire
des quadrupedes, des oiseaux et des reptiles de VAmerique. Des
planches sont joirites au texte.

QUATRIEME EPOQUE.

Ouvrages put>li6s depnis la retrocession f aite par TEspagne & la France

ct la cession de cette demiSre aux

Etats Unis.

90. Louisiana. Account of Louisiana, being an slbstract of docu-
ments in the offices of the departments of State and of the
treasury, with appendix. 2 vol. in 8o. Philadelphia. 1803.

91. Address to the Govermhent of the United States on the cession
of Louisiana to the French and on the late breach of treaty by
the Spaniards, drawn up by a French counsellor of State. 8o.
Philadelphia. 1803.

92. De Vergennes. Memoire historique et politique sur la Louis-
iane, accompagnfe d'un precis de la vie de ce Ministre. In 8o.
Paris. Lepetit. 1802.
Cest vers 1780 que ce memoire a iti presente a Louis XVI par
M. de Vergennes, mais il ne fut imprimi que vingt ans apris.
Ce ministre, vraiment patrtote, qui avait contribui par ses conseils
a V emancipation des Etats Unis engageait fortement le Rot d
rentrer en possession de la Louistane, dont il deplorait V abandon
par le honteux traite de 1762. II est impossible de mieux lire dans
Vavenir les hinements qui se sont passis sous nos yuex, et. si les vues
de ce grand politique eussent itS adoptis il est probable que laFrance
et VEspagne n' eussent pas perdu Vune et l* autre leurs possessions
sur le continent de VAmirique du nord. Void la prediction de
M: de Vergennes en parlant des Etats Unis:

''Cette nouvelle puissance dont la population doublera tous les

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Ouvrages Publics surlaFlorideei VAncienne Lauisiane 57

vingt ans menace deja les colonies deVEurope dans cette partie du
monde. Son exemple, son voisinage et ses forces y ameneront
dans plus ou moins de temps Vindependance des colonies espag-
noles et le commerce de VAmerique sera perdu pour V Europe.
Sty au contraire, la Louistane etait resti au pourvoir des Fran-
gaiSf ou si elle y rentrait, elle formerait entre le Mexique et les
Etats Unis, une barriere que ces derniers craindraient de fran-
chir et sous ce point de vue il est meme de Vinteret des autres
puissances commercantes que la Louistane soil remise d la France.

93. Baudry des Loziferes. Voyage a la Louisiane et sur le conti-
nent de TAmferique septentrionale fait dans le$ annes 1794
a 1798; contienant un Tableau historique de la Louisiane, des
observations sur son climat, ses riches productions &a. om6
d'une belle carte. In 0o. Paris, Dentu. 1802.
Vauteur de cei ouvrage s'exprime ainsi dans la preface qui lui
sert d' introduction:

*'Ce n'est pqint une compilation que je donne au public, c*est le
resultdt des notes que fai prises sur le continent meme et si la
severe defiance des Espagnols en 1795 et annees suivantes, ne
m^a pas jiermis de completer mon ouvrage, fai itS si pres des
objets, que je puts dire les avoir tous vus. Les circonstances me
donnent done un avantage qu^il est impossible de me disputer
sans injustice.**

La premise partie de ce voyage renfeme un apercu de Vhistoire
de Ut Louisiane et des details sur les guerres de 1734 a 1740 avec
les Chicachas et leuf chef Mingo Mastabe. Elle contient egalement
le fecit de la trajedie du mois de septembre 1769. U ouvrage est
termine par deux vocabulaires Sauvages-Frangais.
Le voyage de Baudry de Lozieres ne peut manquer d'etre interes-
sant, puisque les evenements qui y $bnt rapportis ont ete ecrits
sous la dicte de temoins oculaires ou recueillis par la tradition
des habitans de la Louisiane.

On trouvera ci-apres sous le No. 99, *lindication d*un second
ouvrage publii par le meme auteur.

94. Milfort (le General). Memoire ou coup d'oeil rapide sur les
differens voyages et mon sejour dans la nation Creek. In 8o.
Paris. 1802.
Cest en 1775 que Milfort quitta la France pOur venir dans les
Etats Unis. II penetra dans Vinterieur de la Floride et se fixa
parmi les Creeks dont il devint Tastanegy, ou grand chef de
guerre^ II raconte dans ce volume les evenemeHts auxquels il prit

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58 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

part pendant les vingt annis qu'il demeura avec les diverses
tribus indiennes, ses courses et ses observations: Bien qu*il y ait
peu d'ordre dans ses narrations, et qu'elles paraissent ramanes-
gues, an les lit cependant a$ec inieret parcequ' elles renferment
une peinture assezfidele delavie sauvage.

95. Dubroca. ItinSraire des Francais dans la Lonisiane accom-
pagn6 de la carte de G. de Tlsle. In 12o. Paris. 1802.
Petit livre publie d Vepoque de la retrocession de la Louisiane
par VEspagne d la France et ne contenent absolument rien de
nouveau.

96. Berquin Duvallon. Vue de la colonie espagnoledu Mississippi
ou des provinces de la Louisiane et de la Floride ocddentale
en Tannde 1802, par un observateur rfeidant sur les lieux.
Ouvrage accompagnS de deux cartes in 8o. Paris. 1803.
Ce livre ecrit par un homme qui avail su bien mal reconnoitre
rhospitaliti louisianaise, n'est qu'un long denigrement du pays
et de ses habitants, il ne pouvait provenir que d'un esprit michant
et d'un mauvais coeur.

97. Volney. Tableau du climat et du sol des Etats Unis d'Am^ri-
que, suivi d'6claircisements sur la Floride, sur la colonie fran-
caise au Scioto, sur quelques colonies Canadiennes et sur les
sauvages, avec deux - planches et deux cartes. 2 vol. 8o.
Paris. 1803.
Cet ouvrage d ite traduit en anglais sous le litre suivant:

98. View of the climate and soil of the United States of America
with some accounts of Florida, the Indians and vocabulary
of the Miama-Tribe. 8o. 1804.
La reputation de Volney est trop bien etablie et son talent trop
generalement reconnu pour qu'il sott necessatre de fatre sutvre
V indication de son Itvre par aucune reflexion^ il doit 'etre plod au
premier rang partni les ouvrages d consulter par les I *:uisianais.

99. Baudry des Lozi&res. Second voyage & la Louisiane pour
faire suite a celui fait dans les ann^es 1794 a 1798. Paris.
2 vol. in 8o. 1803.
Contient une histoire du General Grondel qui avail commandi
long temps d la Louisiane et pris part d la guerre des Chtcachas.
Le surplus de set ouvrage renforme des notes sur divers sujets et
qui servent d'appendice au premier voyage publii par Vauteur.
(Voir No. 93.)

100. Anonyme. M6moires sur la Louisiane et la Nouvelle Orleans

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 59

accompangn6s d'une dissertation sur les avantages que le
commerce de TEmpire doit tirer de la stiptdation faite par
Tart. VI. du Trait6 de cession du 30 avril, 1803, suivi d'une
traduction de diverses notes sur cette colonie, publics aux,
Etats Unis peu de temps apres la ratification du Traite. In 8o.
Paris. Ballard. 1804.

101. Account of Louisiana, being abstracts of documents trans-
mitted to President Jefferson and by him laid before Con-
gress: 8o. 1804.

102. Perrin du Lac. Voyages dans les deux Louisianes et chez les
nations sauvages du Missouri, par les Etats Unis, TOhio et les
provinces qui les bordent en 1801, 1802 et 1803, avec un apercu
des moeurs, des usages, du caract&re et des coutumes reli-
gieuses et civiles des peuples de ces diverses contr6es. 8o.
avec carte. Lyon. 1805.
Cesl principakment la haute Louistane et les populations qui
Vhabitaient alors que Vauteur s'est attachi a decrire. Son line
dbonde en details interessants sur les Etats de VOuest, sur les
postes de Ste. Genevieve, de St. Louis et de SL Charles. Quant d la
Basse Louisiane, il riy a fait qu'un tres court sijour et ce qu'il en
dit est renferme dans quelques pages seulement. Perrin du Lac
etait un observateur judicieux et impartial.

103. Michaux (F. A.) Voyages a I'ouest des monts Alleghanys,
dans les 6tats de 1*01110, du Kentucky et du Tennessee, et re-
tour a Charlestown par ks hautes Carolines, contenant &a.
enterpris en 1802 sous les auspices de M. Chaptal, ministre de
rint&ieur, carte in 8o. Paris. 1804.
Cet ouvrage a ete tradutt en anglais sous le litre suivant:
Travels to the Westward of the Alleghany mountains. 8o.
map. 1805.
Ainsi que le litre Vindique ce voyage d StS fait dans la
partie Quest des Etats Unis et principalement dans la vallee de
rOhio, mais comme Vauteur d dicrit les arbres forestiers qui se
trouvent egalement dans la Louisiane et qu*il jouit d'une grdnde
reputation comme naturaliste, fai pense que ce livre ne serait pas
deplaci parmi ceux qui peuvent inter esser les Louisianais.

105. Robin (C. C.) Voyages dans Tint^rieur de la Louisiane, de la
Floride occidentale et dans les iles de la Martinique et de St.
Domingue pendant les annges 1802, 1803, 1804, 1805 et 1806
contenant de nouvelles observations sur Thistoire naturelle la

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60 The Jjmisiana Historical Quart^^^ > . ■

gfegraphie, les moeurs, ragriculture, le commerce, rindustrie
et les maladies d'e ces contr^es/patrt^icvilierement siirlafi&vre
jaune et les moyens de le$ prevenir. En putre cont;enant ce
qui . s'est pass^ de plus interessant relativement a retablissement
des AnglQ-Am6riqdns & la Louisiane, suivis de la Flore Louis-
ianaise avec une carte nouvelle. Paris. F. Buisson. . 3 vol.
in 80. 1807.

Le docteur Robin que M, Querard dans sa France litteraire d
confondu avec son homonyme VAbbe Robin, etait tout d tafois un
litterateur et un naturaliste distingue. Les voyages dont je donne
le titre enfontfoi. On y trouvera reunis une Joule (t observations
judicieuses ecrites avec elegance et qui dicilent le philosophy le
savant et Vhistorien.

Le premier volume de cet ouvrage a iteconsacri aux Antill^, mais
les deux autres le sont entierement d la Louisiane. Le resumi
htstorique contenu dans les chapitres 41 d 45 est traci de main
de maitre et avec une impdrtialiti remarquable. ' Vauteur termine
le compte rendu de la domination espagnols par les reflexions
suivantis:

''Pendant les trente trois annis que ce pays fut sous la domina-
tion espagnole, les moeurs francaises ont toujour s fatt le caractke
dominant de la colonic et les espagnols s'y sont frangisis plutot
que les frangais ne se sont espagnolisis. Les Gtmverneurs eux-
memeSy ainsi que les commandants sous eux, ont ^dopti les
moeurs franchises et ont, eux ou leurs errfans, epousi des fran-
caises. La.langue espagnol etait si peu usite et la langue fran-
gaise adopts si generalement que la plupart des frangais nis
dans cette colonic, mime avant et pendant la domination espagnole.
n'ont pas eu besoin d'apprendre cette langue*'
La Floye Louisianaise qui occupe la moitii du troisieme volume
de cet ouvrage a ite traduite en anglais sous le titre suivant:

106. Flozula Ludoviciana, Flora of Louisiana by Robin and Ra-
finesque. 80. 178 pages. New York. 1817.

107. Henzy*s (Alexander). Travels and adventures in Canada and
the Indian territories, between the years 1760 and 1776 in two
parts in 80. New York. 1809.
Ces voyages entrepris a la mime epoque que ceux de Carver et de
Long, renferment beaucoup de details sur les tribus qui habitaient
alors la haute Louisiane. Lauteur raconte plusieurs scenes de la
guerre de 1761 entre les Indiens alliis des frangais et les anglais.

108. ScWtz's Jun (Christian) , Travels on an island voyage through

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Ouvrages Publits sur la Fl&ride W TAH^iehrie Louisiane 61

the States of New York, Penrisyivariia; Virginia, Ohio, Ken-
tucky and Tennessee and thrbugh the territories 6i Indiana,
Louisiana, Mississippi and New Orleans, performed in the
years 1807 and 1808, with maps and plates. 2 yol. in 8o.
New York. . 1810.

Le second volume de cet ouvrage ecrit en forme de lettres, d itS
consacre par Vauieur, un Amiricain, d la description de la
Louisiane.

109. Pike's (Major Montgomery). Account of an expedition to the
sources of the Mississippi and through the western part of
Louisiana during the years 1805, 1806 and 1807. Philadel-
phia. 8o. or London 4o. with maps. 1810.

A 6te iraduit enfrancais par Breton sous ce litre:

110. Voyage au nouveau Mfexiique & la suite d'lme expedition or-
donn^e par le Gouvemement des Etats Unis pour reconnaitre
les souces des rivi&res Arkansas, Kansas, La Plate et Pierre
Jaune dans rintSrieur de la Loi^siane occidental^, pr6c6d6
d'une excursion aux sources du Mississippi pendant Jes ann6es
1805, 1806 et 1807, om6 d'une carte de la Louisiane en trois
parties. Paris. d'Hautel. 2 vol. in 8o. 1812.
Avant cette expedition ordonni par le Gouvernement des Etats
Unis, dont la direction fut confii au Major Pike par le General
Wilkinson, on rC avail que des notions tres vagues et tres contra-
dictoires sur la source du Mississippi, (^'est a cet officier qui d
rempli sa mission avec auiant d' intelligence que de courage, que
nous sommes redevables d* avoir fixi les sources et le cours du
grand fteuve d'une rriani^e plus precise. Vingt ans apres l* ex-
ploration du major, M. Beliram qui visita aussi les sources du
Mississippi et qui probablement, n'avait pas lu la relation,
de Pike, crut de bonne foi, en avoir fait la dicouverte, dont il rend
compie dans Vouvrage portant le No. 134.

111. Stodart's (Major Amos). Sketches historical and descrip-
tive of Louisiana. Philadelphia. 8o. 1812.

112. Lee's (Henry). Memoirs x>i the war in the southern depart-
ment of the United States. Philadelphia. 2 vol. in 8o. 1812.

113. Lewis's and Clark's (Captaiils). History of the expedition

under the command of to the source of the Missouri,

thetice aCr6ss th6 Rocky Mountain^ and down the river Co-
lombia to the Pacific Ocean; performed during the years 1804,
1805 and 1806, Philadelphia. 2 v6l. 6o. 1 12.

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62 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Le recit des Vexpedittcn des capttatnes Leuts et Clark fatt par
P. Gass, d iti tradutt en franfais par Lalkment, sous le tttre
sutvant:

114. Voyage des capitaines Lewis and Clark depuis rembouchure
du Missouri, jusqu'a Tentrfie de la Colombia dans I'oc^an
pacifique, fait dans les ann^es 1804, 1805 et 1806 par ordre du
Govemement des Etats Unis contenant &a. in 8o. carte. 1810.
pacifique, fait dans les annees 1804, 1805 et 1806 par ordre du
Gouvernement des Etats Unis contenant &a. in 8o. Carte.

• Paris. Arthur Bertrand. 1810.

115. EUicott's (Andrew). Journal for determining the boimdary
between the United States and the possessions of his Catholic
Majesty in America. Philadelphia. 4 maps. ^ 1814.

116. Breckenridge (H. M.) View of Louisiana 8o. Pittsburg. 1814.

117. The same. Journal of a voyage up the river Missouri. 12o.
Baltimore. 1815.
Vun et V autre de ces outrages me soni tnconnus.

118. Anonyme. Defaite de Tarmfe anglaise command^ par Sir
Edward Pakenham, a Tattaque du 8 Janvier, 1815, de la ligne
de retranchments de Tarme Am^ricaine command^ par le
General Jackson. 8o. Gravures. Nouvelle Orleans. 1815.

119. Lacarrifere Latour's (Major A.) Historical memoirs of the war
in West Florida and Louisiana in 1814, 1815, written original-
ly in French and translated for the author by H. O. Nugent,
with an atlas. Philadelphia in 8o. 1816.
Cest memotres ant iti dedtis par Vauteur au General Jackson,
comme un temotgnage de reconnaissance et d^ admiration dont il se
faisait Vorgane pour ses concitoyens. ''The voice of the whole
nation has spared me the task of showing how much of these im-
portant results are due to the energy, ability and courage of a sin-
gle many On pourra juger de Vimporiance de ces Memoires
pour Vhistoire de la Louisiane, par Vextrait suivant de la preface
du major Latour: *7 have m this work endeavoured to relate in
detail, unth the utmost exactness and precision the principal
events which took place m the course of this campaign, I have
related facts as I myself saw them, or as they were told me my
credible eye witnesses. I do not believe that through the whole
of this narrative I have swerved from the truth ma single instance',
if, however, by one of those unavoidable mistakes to which every
man is subject I have involuntarily misstated or omitted to state

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Ouvrages Publiis $ur to Flotide et VAncienne Louisiane 63

any material circurManee, I shall be ready to acknowledge
my error whenever it shall be pointed out to me.''
Cest dans les memoires du major Latour, qu'il faut lire la rela-
tion de la memorable campagne qui valut au General Jackson le
litre de Sauveur de la Louisiane.

120. Brown's (Samuel R.) The Western Gazetteer or Emigrant's
Directory, containing a geographical description of the
Western States and Territories, viz: The States of Kentucky,
Indiana, Louisiana, Ohio, Tennessee and Mississippi and the
territories of Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Michigan and North
Western etc. Auburn. N^w Ycrk. 80. 1817.
Ce guide, a Vusage des emigrants dans Vouest des Etats Unis, est
le premier, je crois, qui ait ete publii. II est composi d'une foule
de rensetgnements aussi exacts q'utiles.

121. Darby (W.) A geographical description of Louisiana. 80.
New York. 1817.

122. Bradbury's (J.) Travels in the interior of America in the years
1809, 1810, 1811, including a description of upper Louisiana
together with the States of Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana and
Tennessee, in 80. Liverpool. 1817.

123. Birkbeck's (Morris). Notes on a journey in America from the
coast of Virginia to the territory of Illinois. In 80. Map.
London. 1818.

124. The same. Letters from Illinois in 80. London. 1818.
Ce dernier ouvrage d itS traduit enfrangais sous le litre suivant:

125. Lettres sur les nouveaux Stablissements qui se forment dans
les parties occidentales des Etats Unis d'Am^rique. in 80.
Cartes. . 1819.

126. Bradshaw Pearson's (Henry). Sketches of America. A nar-
rative of a journey of five thousand miles through the eastern
and the western States of America; contained in eight reports
addressed to the thirty-nine English families by whom the
author was deputed in June, 1817 etc., with remarks on Birk-
beck's notes and letters. 80. London. 1818.

127. Warden (D. B.) A statistical, political and historical account
of the United States of North America. Edinburg. Constable.
3 vol. 80. Maps and plates. 1819.
Le docteur Warden a traduit lui meme son lime en francais sous
le litre suivant:

128. Description Statistique, historique et politique des Etats Unis.
Paris. Rey et Gravier. 5 vol. in 80. avec figures et cartes. 1820.

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64 ' The Louisiana Historical Quart(?rly . »>•

, La^ publication de 4>e lime remarqudble ouvrit'uu Dtr Warden les
partes de VInstitut de France, dont il devint me^bre d cetteepoque,
II continua ses travaux litter aires et donna quelques annSs plus
tard Vouvrage suivant, que sa mort suf venue en 1S4S, Tempecha
de terminer. .

129. L'art de verifier les dates ou chronologie historique de T Amferi-
que. Paris. 10 volumes in 8o. 1826 & 1845.
Ouvrage rempli de recherches precieuses et que Vauteur aurait sans
doute traduiten.anglsis s*il n'eut ete enlevi aussi prematurement. '

130. Seybert's (Adam). Statistical amials. View of the popula-
tion, commerce, navigation, fisheries, public lands. Post-
office establishment, revenues, mint, military and naval estab-
lishments, expenditures, public debt, and sinking fund of the
United States of America founded on official documents com-
mencing on the 4th of March, 1789^ and ending on the 20th
of April, 1818. Large 4o. Philadelphia. 1818.

131. Schoolcrafft's (H.) Narrative Journal of Travels from Detroit
North West through the great chain of American lakes to the
sources of Mississippi river in 1820. Albanyin 8o. Maps. 1821.

132. Montul6 (Ed. de). Voyage en Am§rique, en Italie, en Sidle et
en Egypt pendant les ann6es 1816 4 1819. 2 vol. in 8o. et
atlas. Paris. 1821.
Les lettres XII a XXe, du 2e. volume de cet ouvrage sont Scrttes
de la Louisiane et sont consacris par Vauteur d la description
de la valU du Mississippi.

133. Adam's (John Quincy). The duplicate letters, the Fisheries
and the Mississippi. Docimients relating to transactions and
the negotiations of Ghent. Collected and published by J. Q. A.
one'of the commissioners of the United States at that negotia-
tion in 8o. Washington. 1822.

134. Beltram (J. C.) La dteouverte des sources du Mississippi et
de la riviere sanglante. Description du cours entier du Mis-
sissippi. Nouvelle Orleans. 8o. 1823.
Cet ouvrage d ite traduit en anglais sous le litre suivant:

135. Pilgrimage in Europe and America, leading to the discovery
of the sources of the Mississippi, Bloody river and Ohio.
2 vol. 8o. Plates. 1828.
Le major Pike pendant les annees 1805 a 1807 avail deja reconnu
les sources du Mississippi et parcouru les contris qui le furent
bien plus tard par M. Beltram. Cest done a tort que ce voyageur
s'attribue la decouverte des sources du grand fleuve. Toutefois,
son livre ecrit avec un peu trop d'empkase meridionale, n'en est

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Ouvrages Publies sur la Flaride et fAncienne Lauisiane 65

pas moins interessant par les epi$o4es et les descriptions qu'il
y a semes.

136. Keating's (William). Narrative of an expedition to the
source of St. Peter's river, Lake Winnepeek, lake of the woods,
etc., performed in the year 1823 by order of J. C. Calhoun,
Secretary of War, under the command of Stephen H. Long.
2 volimies in 8o. London. 1825.
Lahontan est le premier qui ait remonii le riviire St. Pierre a
laquelle il avait donni le nam de Rivitre longue. On crut pendant
longtemps que sa relation etait fabuleuse et que les grandes lacs
interieurs de Winnepeek, des Bois et autres, n'existaient que dans
son imagination. U expedition du major Long a prouvi que
Lahontan n' avait pas toujours attiri la viritS.

137. G)llot (General Victor). Voyage dans rAmerique septen-
trionale, ou Description des pays arros^s par le Mississippi,
rOhio, le Missouri et autres rivieres affluentes, &a. avec im
atlas de 36 cartes, plans, vues et figures. 2 vol. 8o. Paris.
Arthus Bertrand. 1826.
(Une premi&re edition avait paru en 1804.)

LeGhtiral Collet vintpour la premise fois en Amtrique a tipoque
de la guerre de Vindependance, il servait alors dans VEtat major
du marichal Rochambeau.

Plus tard, en 1796, il entreprit de visiter les diver ses parties des
Etats Unis et de la Louisiane; Vouvrage ci-dessus indiqui est le
resultat de ses voyages. Le second volume est consacri en entier
d la haute et Basse Louisiane sur ksquelles le Giniral donne les
details les plus etendus.

138. Martin's (F. X.) The history of Louisiana. New Or-
leans. B. Levy. 2 vol. in 8o. 1827.
Le Juge Martin est le premier icrivain qui ait publii une histoire
de la Louisiane en anglais. Pour un frangais, la tache etait
dificile, aussi Vauteur ne la remplit-t-il pas d la satisfaction
ginirale. Son style est dm, barbare et compost d' expressions
moitii anglaises moitii frangaises sous le rapport de V exactitude,
il laisse egalement beaucoup a desirer. Cest Vopinion du Dr.
Monette qui s*exprime ainsi sur son compte: Martin is so often
in error in relation to dates that his authority must yield when it
conflicts with other sources of information.

139. Holmes's (Dr. Abiel). Annals of America from 1492 to 1828;
the second edition enlarged. 2 thick vol. 8o. Cambridge. 1829.

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66 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

La chronologie du Dr. Holmes est un ouvrage capital, tant sous
le rapport de V exactitude, que sous celui de rimpartialiti dont
Vauteur fait preuve dans ses Jugements.

140. Barbe Marbois. Histoire de la Louisiane et de la cession de
cette colonie par la France aux Etats Unis de rAm6rique
septentrionale pr6c6d6 d'un discours sur la constitution et le
gouvemement des Etats Unis avec une carte relative k Tetendue
des pays c6d6s in 80. Paris. Didot. 1829.
Cet ouvrage d iti traduit en anglais sous le litre suivant:

141. History of Louisiana particularly of the cession of that colony
to the United States. 80. 1830.
Uouvrage de M. Barbe Marbois n'est interessant que sous le
rapport du compte rendu des negotiaiions auxquelles il avail pris
part et des pieces qui V accompagnent. Quant au rSsumi historique
qui est placi en lite du Itvre, il laisse beaucoup a desirer et est
peu en rapport avec le talent de cet homme d*Etat.

142. Armroyd's (G.) A connected view of the whole internal navi-
gation of the United States, natural and artificial, present and
prospective; with maps and profiles, etc. in 80. Philadel-
phia. 1830.
Cet important ouvrage contient de nombreux documents sur les
cours d'eau et les caneaUx de la Louisiane.

143. Murat. (Achille). Lettres sur les Etats Unis, 6crites S un de
ses amis d'Europe. Paris in I80. 1830.
L'auteur de ces lettres d risidi longtemps dans la Floride ou il
itait venu chercher un refuge contre la proscription. Ce qu'il
Scrivait il y d vingt cinq arts est aussi neuf et surtout aussi vrai
que s'il V avail publii depuis peu. II serait difficile de reunir en
moins de pages plus d' observations exactes sur les Etats Unis
en ghtiral, mais principalement sur leurs parties sud, c'est d ce
dernier litre que nous les mentionons ici parmi les ouvrages sur la
Louisiane. Ce petit livre pourrait servir d'Epitome d tous ceux
qui, sans compulser un grand nombre de volumes, voudraient
acquerir des renseignements precis sur les moeurs, les habitudes
et la maniire de vivre des diverses fractions de la population de
V Union, aussi bien que sur les institutions politiques qui en
relient toutes les parties entre elles.

144. Flpt's (Th.) A condensed Geography and History of the
Western States of the Mississippi Valley. 2 vol. in 80. Cin-
cinnati. 1832.

145. Poussin (Major Guillaume Tell.) Travaux d'am^liorations
interieures projetfe ou ex6cut6s par le Gouvemement general des

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Etats Unis d'Am6rique de 1824 a 1831 in 4o. et atlas. In Fo.
Paris. 1834.

Le major Poiissin, qui depuis representa la France aux Etats Unis
fut attachi d'abord comme aide de camp a la personne du General
Bernard et Vaccompagna dans ses diverses inspections des points
militaires de V Union. La lettre suivante du Gineral pricede
r outrage du major et en est V apreciation: **J'ai lu avec le plus
vif interet Vhistoires des grands travaux auxquels vous et moi
avons Hi associis pendant quinze arts et qui, sur V autre hemis-
phere, attestent Vesprit d'entreprise qui caracterise la nation
Am&ricaine. La manidre dont vous avez traiti ce beau sujet, sous
les rapports pohtiques, commerciaux et militaires et sous ceux
de I'art, rendra voire ouvrage, nan seulement en France, mats
encore en Amirique, digni de V attention des hommes eclairis''

146. Hall's (James). Notes on the Western States containing
descriptions, sketches of their soil, climate, resources, and
scenery. Philadelphia. In 12o. 1838.

147. Vail (Eugene), citoyen Americain. Notice sur les Indiens
de TAmferique du nord, om6e de quatre portraits colories
dessin6s d'aprfes nature et une carte. Paris Arthus Bertrand.
InSo. 1840.
Dans la priface de son ouvrage, Vauteur en expose ainsi le plan:
**Afin de procider avec quelque methode nous classons notre
travail de fagon a toucher legirement, car la statistique nous fait
fautepresque entterement pour cette ipoque de vague et dHncerti-
tude ou rspi remplissait un plus grand rdle que la plume, aux
questions Suivantes; savoir:

La condition et r occupation du territoire par les tribus sauvages
lors du premier debarquement des premiers pionniers Europiens.
D'apris quel droit et sous quel pretexte tls s'emparerent du sol:
Quelles etaient les relations existant entre ceux-ci et les Indiens
d Vipoque de la declaration d'independance des Etats Unis; car,
et nous Vavouons tout d'abord, nous avons principalement d
coeur d'ecarter Vidi injusie et errone avanci par quelques
ecrivains, que les Ssules moyens employes par nous pour deplacer
les Indiens aient ite la bayonette, pour Vexpulsion des uns, et
V influence diaboloques des liquers fortes pour detruire les autres
tandis que au contraire, nous ne craignons nullement de mettre
au grand jour les procedis mis en usage jusqu'a ce jour par le
Gouvernement Americain pour diminuer autant que faire se pent
la rtgueur du traitement que les Indiens ont necessairement eu a

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68 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

subir; comme consequence de la civilisation et de leur caractere
indomptable.

Enfin nous essaierons de deer ire leurs moeurSj et apres avoir
indique avec precision les efforts de nos philantropes et les im-
menses sacrifices fails par la nation pour rendre justice d cette
classe malheureuse d'hommes nous laisserons a nos lecteurs d en
deduire eux mimes st, avec de tels elements, il etatt possible de
faire mieux. La carte qui accompagne cet ouvrage, indique la
position et le nom des diverses tribus sauvages qui occupaient
VAmerique du Nord, depuis Vanne 1600 d I'anni 1800, et eUe
ne pent manquer d'interesser les Louisianais dont la contri
renfermait un si grand nombre de peuplades.

148. Spark's (of Cambridge). Life of de la Salle. Boston. 8o. 1844.
La reputation de M. Sparks comme Siographe est solidement
etablie par les divers ouvrages quHl a publii sur les hommes
eminents des Etats Unis, aussi je regrette vivemeni de n' avoir
pu me procurer Vouvrage dont je donne le litre ci dessus d* apres
Mr. Falconer, car je ne doute pas, qu'il n'ait traiiS la vie de La
Salle avec la mime hauteur de vues et avec autant d*habiltti que
celle de Washington.

149. Falconer (Thomas). On the discovery of the Mississippi arid
the South Western Oregon and North Western boimdary of
the U. S. with a translation from the original M.S. of memoirs
relating to the discovery of the Mississippi by de la Salle and
Tonti. 8o. Map. London. 1844.
Vouvrage de M. Falconer est du plus haul interit pour Vhistoire
de la Louisiana Uextrait suivant de la priface de Vauteur servira
tout d lafois a faire connaitre son livre et celui de M. Sparks:
**When in Paris in 1843, I collected some material to serve for an
account of the discoveries of La Salle, and a friend was kind
enough to give me copies of the documents which had been ob-
tainedfrom the archives of the marine. In the course of the present
year a Life of La Salle,' written by Mr. Sparks of Cambridge,
Massachusetts, has been published; and this work renders any
similar one needless. The documents I have translated which I
hope will hereafter be published in their original language, ren-
dered an abstract of La Salle* s Journey necessary in order to ex-
plain their value, but as these journeys have been the foundation
of contested claims to extensive territories in North America,
I enlarged my first sketch and have traced their consequences in
the negotiations that have occurred respecting the western boundary
of the United States.**

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 69

Void la note des documents que Von trouvera dans Vouvrage de
Mr. Falconer:

La geneologie V Iberville, gentilhomme canadien, et de Bienville
sonfrhe, les deux fondateurs de la colonic de la Louisiane,
Une relation signi Tonti, de la route tenue par lui depuis la
riviire des Illinois au golfe de Mexique, en descendant le Mis-
sissippi.

Un mimoire de Cavalier de la Salle, relatif d Ventreprise proposi
au Mis. de Seignelay sur une province de Mexique.
Les lettres patentes donnis par le Roi de France au Sr. de la
Salle le 12 mai 1678.

Un mimoire du Sr. de la Salle adressi au Mis. de Seignelay dans
lequel il lui rend compte de la decouverte du Mississippi faite
par lui d'apres les ordres du Roi. Le testament de La Salle.
Memoire envoye en 1693 sur la decouverte du Mississippi et les
nations voisihes, par M. deLa Salle depuis Vanni 1678 jusqu'a
Vipoque de sa mort et continue par le Sr. de Tonti jusqu'a Vanni
1691.

Ce dernier mimoire est signi Hy. de Tonty. Cest probablement
par ce document official et authentique Vediteur de Vouvrage
indiqui sous le No. 20 d pris le canevas sur lequel on lui reproche
d^ avoir si bien brode.
150. Monett's (John W.) History of the discovery and settlement
of the Mississippi by the three great European powers, Spain,
France and Great Britain; and the subsequent occupation,
settlement, and extension of civil government by the United
States imtil the year 1846. New York. Harper. 2 vol.gr.
8o. 1846.

Sous ce litre, c'est une histoire complete de la Louisiane que nous a
donni le Dr. Monett. Le plan de son ouvrage est d'une sim-
pliciti admirable et il Va executi avec autant de fideliti que de
talent. Nous traduirons la partte de sa priface dans laquelle tl
expose la marche qu'il a suivie:

''Le plan de ceUouvrage est simple, il resulte de Vordre dans lequel
se sont avancis les diverses colonies pour occuper les contris qui
forment les Etats Unis actuels.

''Les Espagnols ay ant iti les plus anciens pionniers de la valli
du Mississippi, leurs diverses expeditions fournirent le sujet
d'un premier livre.

"Les Frangais, a leur tour, venus apres les agressifs Espagnols,
ont iti les explorateurs pacifique et les premiers colons permanents
qui ont accupi et etabli les rives du Mississippi. Le recit de

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70 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

leurs dicouvertes et Vhistoire de leur colonie seront le sujet d'un
second lime.

*'La Grande Bretagne, lajalouse rivale de la France y etendit ensutte
ses colonies dans les conirees de VOuest, ne cessani d'enpiiter sur
les possessions francaises jusqu'au moment ou maitresse du
Canada, elle s'approprie la moitne de la partie Est de la grande
valU du Mississippi et y joignit les Florides.
''Les progres de ses colonies a Vouest des Alleghanys, ses combats
avec les Francais et leurs allies indigenes, son occupation subse-
quente du pays, seront le sujet du iroisieme lime.
En 1763 lorsgue la Louisiane fut demembri et que VAngleterre
' se fut assurS la possession de toute la partie Est a V exception
de fisle d'Orleans, VEspagne acquit toute la partie de VOuest y
compris cette derniere cedi par la France. La Louisiane se
trouva done, partagi entreces deux puissances. LEspagne
rentree en possession des Florides en 1781, les conserva ainsi que
la Louisiane jusqu'a la fin de 1803, epoque d laquelle elle la re-
troceda a la France.

Vacquisition et Voccupation par les Espagnols de ces vastes
provinces, leur gouvernement et la cessation de leur pouvoir,
fourniront la matiire du quatrieme lime.
**Peu de temps apres lesEtats Unis declarerent leur independance,
qui fut reconnue par VAngleterre, ils se trouvtrent ainsi substituer
aux droits reclames par elle sur le territoire a VEst du Mississippi
et qui s'etendait au sud jusqu'aux limites particuliires de la
Floride. Les Etais Unis formerent de nouveaux Hats d Vouest
des Alleghany s et etendirent de plus en plus leur author ite. Peu
a peu ils ttoignirent les indigenes de la partie est du Mississippi;
et finalement, par negociations on par traitis, tls s'annexirent
ioutes les provinces espagnoles situees a Vouest de fieuve jusqtCau
Rio del Norte.

Uextension des etabhssements, la fondation des institutions
civiles, Vaccroissement de la population, les guerres et les traitis
avec les tribus indigines, les acquisations de territoire, les progris
de V agriculture, des manufactures et du commerce aidis par la
puissance de la vapeur, formeront la matiire du cinquieme lime.''
Dans la partie de Vouvrage du Dr. Monett relative a la domina-
tion frangaise a la Louisiane, on pent regretter qu'il n'ait pris
pour guides que des auteurs ayant ecrit en anglais tels que Martin,
Bancroft, Stodard, Darby.

II a pu s'apercevoir combien le premier etait inexact en le corn-
parent avec le second, mais s'il eut consulte Charlevoix il se fut

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 71

convaincu en outre que presque tous les materiaux qui ont servi
aux quatre ecrivains que nous venons de citer se trouvaient reunis
dans Vhistoire de la Nouvelle France.

151. Bunner's (T.) History of Louisiana from its first discovery
and settlement to the present time. New York. Inl8o. 1846.
Ce resume historique fait partie de la collection Harper. II est
icrit avec talent.

152. Bancroft's. History of the United States from the discovery
of the American continent to the declaration of Independence.
Royal So. 1847.
Uouvrage de M. Bancroft est trop bien connu des lecteurs Lou-
isianais et surtout trop bien apprecii par eux pour que des re-
flexions quelconques de ma part, ajoutent le moins du monde d la
reputation merite de cet historien. II est probable que Vidition
que fai sous les yeux n'est pas la premise qui ait ite public de
cet important ouvrage.

153. Gayarrfe (Charles). Histoire de la Louisiane. 2 vol. in 8o.
Nouvelle Orleans. 1846-1847.

154. Le meme. Pour servir de suite au precedent ouvrage. His-
tory of Louisiana. The Spanish domination. 1 fort voliune
8o. New York. 1854.
M. Gayarre debuta comme historien en 1830, par la publication
de deux volumes intitules: Essais historiques sur la Louisiane.
II etait fort jeune alors et il manquait tout a lafois de materiaux
et d'experience. Mais depuis cette epoque, M. Gayarre, entrS
dans la carrier e politique deson pays y d occupe un poste impor-
tant. II d 6ti d mime de puiser dans les archives de VEtat, et de
plus, il a fait d Parts un assez long sejour pendant lequel il d pris
connaissance des nombreux documents sur la Louisiane contenus
dans les depots de la marine et d la Bibliotheque imperiale. II
les d utilisis dans la premise partie de son ouvrage qui renferme
un grand nombre de pieces inedites et importantes. On peut
regretler toutefois que Vauteur ait passe aussi rapidement sur
Vepoque de la premiire exploration de la Louisiane par Marquette
et La Salle; une page de son livre est d peine consacri au premier
et un vingtaine aux deux expeditions du second. Cependant
M. Gayarre dit dans la preface qui sert d' introduction d son
ouvrage: ''Comme ecrivain je me suis complethnent effaci et
fai cherchi d faire raconter Vhistoire par les contemporains
eux-memes.** line plus belle occasion d'executer cette promesse
ne pouvait s'offrir a M. Gayarre, en mettant sous les yeux de ses
lecteurs le recit tout d lafois si simple et si naif du pere Marquette

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72 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

ou quelques extraits du journal du veridique Joutel. Mais bien
qu*il eut d sa disposition outre ces deux relations celles des ptres
Zenobe, Anasthase et Hennepin, M, Gayarre a donne la prefer-
ence d Vouvrage publii sous le nom de Tonti. Ce choix n*est pas
heureux, car personne n' ignore que cette relation d eti tellemerU
amplifii et embellie par Vediteur que c*est d grand peine si on
pent distinguer le vrai du faux. Aussi les discours que M.
Gayarre met dans la bouche de la Salle et de Mansolea sont ils
ornis des mimes fleurs de rhetorique que ceux de Tonti. En
gintraU le livre de M . Gayarre est un tableau fidile et animi des
evenements qui se sont passis d la Louistane depuis sa dicouverte
jusqu'a la cession qui en fut faite d VEspagne en 1762, 1769;
mais il estfacheux qu'il se soil laissi un peu trop alter d la diclama-
tion, d Vemploi de Vhyperbole et au dinigrement d'une ipoque
qui d produit les plus beaux genies de la France.
La seconde partte de Vouvrage de M. Gayarre' ecrite en anglais, est
enticement consacri d Vhistoire de la domination espagnole d la
Louistane (1770 a 1802). Nous laisserons Vauteur nous dire
lui-mhne dans quel esprit elle a ete ecrite:
"/ must call the attention of the reader to a singular anomaly
which IS — that with all the foul abuses and tyrannical practices
with which it has been so long the general custom to reproach the
government of Spain everywhere, her administration m Louisiana
was as popular as any that ever existed in any part of the world;
and I am persuaded that I can rely on the unanimous support
of my contemporaries when I declare that they scarcely ever met
in Louisiana, an individual old enough to have lived under the
Spanish Government in the colony and judged of its bearing on the
happiness of the people who did not speak of it with affectionate
respect, and describe those days of colonial rule as the golden age,
which with many was the object of secret and with others of open
regrets."

S'il fallait s'en rapporter d V opinion de M. Gayarre, on devraii
en conclure que les Louisianais de cette ipoque avaient tres peu de
mimoire ou quHls etaient doues d'une abnegation et d'un oubli
des injures que je n'ai guere observSs chez leurs descendants.
155. French's. Historical collections of Louisiana, embracing
translations of many rare and valuable documents relating to
the natural, civil and political history of that state, with a map.
8o. Part II, Philadelphia. 1850.

Je n'ai sous les yeux que le second volume de la collection de M.
French ; je ne suis done pas en misure de rendre compte du premier.

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 73

M. French debute par ceiie phrase: *'In preparing this volume
for the press, it has been my object to clear up as much as possible,
by the publication of important narratives, all doubts respecting
the claim of Spain to the first discovery, and of France to the first
settlement and exploration of the Mississippi river.''
M. French aurait certainement pu s'ivtter cette peine, car il est
permis de croire qu'tl existe pas une personne ayant deja lu
Vhistoire de la Louisiane qui ne soil convaincu de ces deux vSritis.
Alors quels sont les lecterns que M, French veut convaincre?
Dans un autre endroit de sa priface il s'exprime ainsi sur la
carte quHl a jointe d son livre: ''The valuable and rare map
accompanying this volume is a well executed facsimile of the
original. It aspires to a degree of accuracy that is of great im-
portance both to the historian and antiquarian.'' Oui, la carte de
de I' Isle est tres bonne et tres estimi mais puisque M.French en
gratifiait ses lecteurs il aurait du faire choix pour la reproduire
non d'une contrefagon faite en Hollande en 1720, mais bien de la
veritable carte de de I'lsle, publii d Paris en 1712. Si M. French
eut voulu s'en donner la peine, il aurait trouvS grand nombre
d'exemplaires de cette carte dont V execution repond mieux que la
contrefagon aux eloges meritis qu'il lui donne.
La carte reproduite par M. French se trouve dans deux ouvrages
reimprimis d Amsterdam: Histoire de la Floride, par Garcillasso
de la Vega et dans le volume IXe. de la collection des voyages au

nord, dont nous avons donne le litre sous le No Inutile

de dire que comme toutes les contrefagons elle est remplie defautes
grossieres qui sont facile a apercevoir. Passons maintenant
aux diverses pieces qui composent ce second volume des Annates
historiques de la Louisiane.

M. French dans un ''account of the Louisiana Historical Society,"
nous en donne la constitution et le but, mais nous y cherchons en
vain le resultat utile que ses travaux ont procurS au public Louis-
ianais.

A la suite on trouve:

A discourse on the life, writings, etc. of the Hon. F. Martin.
De I'aveu de tous, le Juge Martin etait un Jurisconsulte distinguS,
mais considM comme historien, il est permis de ne pas partager
r opinion de M. French et de trouver que son History of Louisiana
est un livre inexact, mal krit et qui ne fait guire honneur a son
auteur.

An analytical index of all the public documents in Paris relat-
ing to the discovery and early settlement of Louisiana.

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74 The Louisiana Historical Qmrierly

Nous ne pouvons que remercier M. French d'avoir publii ce
catalogue qui eviiera d d'autres les recherches qui ont iti faites
par Mr. E. /. ForstalL

A translation of an original letter of Hernando de Soto on the
conquest of Florida.

A translation of a recently discovered manuscript.
Journals of the expeditions of Hernando de Soto into Florida,
by Luis Hernandez de Biedma.

M. French d omis de dire a ses lecteurs qu'il avail emprunti ces
deux pieces au Recueil de M. Ternaux Campans (Voir No. 12)
et on pourrail croire qu'il les avail traduites de V original espagnol,
si on ne Irouvait dans sa relation des expressions frangaises qui
ont cependant leur equivalent en anglais. II eut done iti de toute
justice de citer d cette occasion en s'appropriant son travail le
nom de Vecrivain distinguS auquel nous somtnes redevable de tant
de recherches pricieuses sur Vhistoire d*Amirtque.
A narrative of the expedition of Hernando de Soto into Florida,
by a gentleman of Elvas, translated from the Portuguese by
Richard Hakluyt in 1609.

Dans cette ritmpression de la traduction de Hakluyt, M. French
d supprimi la division par chapitre et le Sommaire qui les precedait
ce qui en rend la lecture un peu fastidieuse, car on ne sail ou
reprendre haleine. II a crut bon, aussi de rajeunir Vorthographe
d* Hakluyt et de le traduire en anglais moderne. Si le livre de
M. French ne devait itre lu que des Grangers d la langue anglaise,
nous comprendrions cette transformation mais annoncer que
Von reproduit un icrivain du 17e. siicle et lui donner Vorthographe
du 19e.y nous parait itre ou un contresens, ou une difiance de
Vintelligence du lecteur. A la suite de Vexpedition de Soto, M.
French riimprime la fameuse description de la Louisiane par
D. Coxe, mains sa curieuse priface (voir No. 37). Nous ne
reviendrons pas sur Verreur de date que nous avons deja signalee,
mais nous nous permettrons d' observer d M. French que puisque
son but en publiant cet ouvrage itait de dissiper tous les doutes
relativement a la revendication des Espagnols a la dicouverte de la
Louisiane, et d celle des francais a son etablissement et d son
exploration premiire; il d iti mal inspiri en choissant Vecrit d*un
auteur qui affirme que ce sont les anglais seuls qui ont droit d
cette double pretention. II nous semble done qu'en perdant son but
de vue, M. French a contribui d rendre son lecteur encore plus
incertain, bien loin de dissiper ses doutes.
Mr. French termine son livre par une traduction du Journal du

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Ouvrages PublUs sur la Floride el VAncienne Louisiane 75

pere Marquelle, Iraduclion gut avail dija paru en 1699 d la suile
de la relalion du pere Hennepin {Voir No. 19). Dans Vordre
chronologique, eel icril aurail du pricider celui de Coxe, puisque
le premier d ele publie plus de 25 ans avanl le second. On serail
lenli de croire, en le voyanl ainsi rejele a la fin du volume j que la
date de 1598, deja relate, a ite mise intentionellement pour
dinner aux anglais une priorite qui ne leur appartieni pas.

156. Brasseur de Bourburg. (rabbe). Histoire du Canada, de son
feglise et de ses missions depuis la dteouverte de TAmferique
jusqu'fi nos jours, 6crite sur des documents in6dits compulses
dans les archives de TArcheveche et de la ville de Quebec.
2 vol. in 8o. Paris. 1852.
Le premier volume de cet ouvrage est igalement interessant pour
Vhistotre de la Louisiane qui est redevable de sa colmtsation aux
habitans du Canada.

Vabbi Brasseur ne s'est pas borni d parler de VEglise et des mis-
sions de la Nouvelle France, son livre renferme des fails historiques
qui seront lus avec autant plus de plaisir par Vhomme du monde;
qu'ils sont racontes avec clartti et avec impartiality.

157. Ampere (J. J.) de T Acad6mie francaise. Promenade en Am^ri-
que, Etats Unis, Cuba, Mexique. 2 volumes en 8o. Paris,
Levy. 1855.
Un intervalle de 170 annSs, a peine, separi la premiire visile
du pere Marquette d la Louisiane de celle faite en dernier lieu
par M. Ampere. Que de transformations se sont operh pendant ce
lapse de temps, qui, pour la vielle Europe paraitrait si courte!
Ld, ou le pauvre missionaire, sur un frele canot d'ecorces, ne
trouvait que solitude, forets impinetrabks. peuplades barbares,
nulle trace de culture; Vacademicien voyage dans un palais fiot-
tant, il rencontre d chaque pas des citis florissantes, des campagnes
cultivis, des usines de toute nature et une Sociite qui, ne le cede
en rien a celle de VEurope. Uillusion du voyageur est telle qu'en
assistant d certaines reunions, il se croit transport dans un
Salon de la Chausse d'Antin.

Mais pourqui s'etonner des merveilles operes dans un si court
espace? La f 6. qui les a produites, ne s'appelle elk pas la liberie?

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76 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

OUVRAGES PUBLIES SUR LES DIFFERENTES TRIBUS

INDIENNES DE L'OUEST DES ETATS UNIS;

LEURS MOEURS, ORIGINES &a.

158. Acosta (El padre Joseph de). Historia natural y moral de las
Indias, en que se traten las cosas notables del cielo, y elementos,
metales, plantas, y animales d'ellas y los Ritos y ceremonias,
leyes y goviemo, y guerras de los Indios. 4o. 1590.
A 616 traduite enfrangais sous le titre suivant:

159. Histoire naturelle et morale des Indes orientales de J. de
Acosta. Traduite par R. Regnault; et en anglais celui de:

160. The natural and moral history of the East and West Indies by
J. Acosta; translated into English by E. G. 4o. 1604,
Le mhne ouvrage d 6t6 traduit en allemand, en Hoilandais et en
Italien.

De Laet. Novus Orbis &a.

Ouvrage d6ja indiqu6 sous les Nos. 8 et 9.

161. Le M6me. Notae ad dissertationem hugonis Grotii de origine
gentium Am^ricanarun et observationes aliqot ad meliorem
indugiiiem difficillinae hujus questiones. 1643.

162. Le Meme. Responsio Johannis de Laet ad dissertationem
secundam Hugonis Grotii de origine gentium Amfiricanarum,
cum indice ad utruiiique libelliun. 1644.

163. Grotius. De origine gentium Americanarum dissertatio. 4o.
1642.

164. Le MSme. De origine gentiimi Americanarum dissertatio
altera adversus obstrectatorem. Paris, Cramoisy. 1643.

165. Homius. De originibus Am^ricanis, libri quatuor. 8o. La
Haye. 1652.
Lafiteau. Moeurs des sauvages Am&iquains. Ouvrage d6jS
indiqu6 sous le No. 31.

166. Garcia (Gregorio). Oiigen de los Indios de el NuevoMondee;
Indias occidentales averiguavos con discourso de opiniones.
Trantanse en este libro varias cases y puntos curiosos, tocante
a diversas ciencias y facultades, conque se varia historia de
mucho gosto para el ingenio y entendimiento de hombres
agudos y curiosos. Segimda impression emendada &a. In
fo. Madrid. 1720.

167. Colden's. History of the five Indian nations of Canada, which
are the barriers between the English and French, in that part
of the world. In 8o. London. 1750.

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Ouvrages Publies sur la Floride et VAncienne Lotiisiane TJ

168. Eidous, Bailly d'Engel. Essai sur cette question: Quand et
comment TAm^rique a-telle §t6 peuplee d'hommes et d'ani-
maux? Amsterdam, 5 vol. in 12o. et 2 vol. in 4o. 1767.

169; De Paw. Recherches philosophiques sur les Amfericains, ou
Mtooires interessants pour servir k Thistoire de Tespfece
himiaine, avec ime disertation sur TAmfetique et les Am^ricains
par Don Pemety, 3 vol. in 12o. 1771.

170. Adair's (James). History of the American Indians, particular-
ly the nations adjoining the Mississippi, East and West Florida,
Georgia, South and North Carolina and Virginia. In 4o.
Map. 1775.

171. Carli (le Comte). Lettres Americaines dans lesquelles on
examine I'origine, TEtat civile, politique, militaire et religieux,
les arts, les sciences, les moeurs, les usages des anciens habi-
tants de TAmfirique; les grandes 6poques de la nature, Tancienne
communication des deux hfeiisph^res, et la demi^re revolu-
tion qui a fait disparaitre T Atlantide, pour servir de suite aux
m^moires de D. Ulloa. 2 vol. in 8q. Boston et Paris. 1788.
CestLefe de Villebrune qui a traduit ces lettres de Vltalien, apris
avoir donnS la traduction des mimoires philosophiques de Don

Ulloa (indiquis sous leNo. )

172. Genty (labb6). L'influence de la dfecouverte de TAmferique
sur le bonheur du genre humain. Paris. Nyon. 8o. Carte
etfig. 1788.

173. Barton's (B. Smith). New views of the origin of the Tribes
and nations of America. Philadelphia. In 18o. 1798.

174. Williamson's. Observations on the climate, in the different
parts of America, compared with the climate in corresponding
parts of the other continents. New York. 8o. 1811.

175. Heckewelder's. Narrative of the mission of the United Breth-
ren among the Delaware and Monegan Indians. 1740 to
1808. 8o. Philadelphia. 1820.
A its traduit par Duponceau sot4S ce tttre:

176. ' Moeurs et coutumes des nations indiennes de Ja Perisylvanie.

Paris. 8o. 1822.

176. bis. Himter's. Manners and customs of several Indian Tribes.

8o. Philadelphia. 1823.

177. Church's (Th.) The history of Philip's war, commonly called
the great Indian war of 1675 and 1676, also of the French and
Indian wars in 1689, 90, 92, 96, and 1704, in 12o. Boston. 1827

178. MacCulloh's. Researches concerning the original history of
America. Royal 8o. Baltimore. 1829.

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78 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

179. Tanner's (John). A narrative of the captivity and adventures,
during thirty years of residence among the Indians of North
America. New York. Map. 80. 1830.
A ite traduit enfrangais sous ce litre:

180. M^moires de J. Tanner, ou trente ann6es dans ies deserts de
rAm&rique du nord, traduit par de Blos^viUe. Paris. A.
Bertrand. 2 vol. 80. 1835.

181. Thatcher's. Indian Biography, or an historical account of
those individuals who have been distinguished among the
North American natives as orators, warriors, statesmen, and
other remarkable characters. 2 vol. in I80. New York.
Harper. 1832.

182. Flint's (Timothy). Indian wars of the west, containing
biographical sketches of those pioneers, who headed the western
settlers in repelling the attacks of the savages, together with a
view of the character, manners, monimients and antiquities
of the Western Indians, in 12o. Cincinnati. 1833.

183. Dunmore-Lang's. View of the origin, and migrations of the
Polynesian nation. London. 80. Map. 1834.

184. Irving's (J.) Indian sketches taken during an expedition to the
Pawnee and other Tribes of American Indians. 2 vol. in 12o.
London. 1835.

185. Washington Irving's. A tour on the prairies. In 12o. Paris.
1835.

186. The Same. Adventures of Captain Bonneville or scenes be-
yond the Rocky Moxmtains of tlie far West, 80. Paris. 1837.

187. Antiquitates Americanae sive scritores septentrionales rerun
ante Coliunbiananmi, in America edidit societa regia anti-
quariorum septrionalium. Hafinae. In 4o. 1837.

188. Supplement to the Antiquatates Americanae by C. Rafin.
Copenhague. 80. 1841.

189. Delafield's (John). An inquiry into the origin of the anti-
quities of America with an appendix by J. Lakey. In 80. New
York. 1839.

190. Bradford's. American Antiquities and researches into the
origin and history of the red race. New York. 80. 1841.

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GENERAL JAMES WILKINSON

A Paper Prepared and Read by his Great-Grandson
James Wilkinson

In complying with the kind request of this Society, I desire first
to discuss tiie charges made in Gayarre's History of Louisiana, and
adopted from that history by many other historians, that Wilkinson
while a Brigadier General of the United States Army sought to be-
tray his country by procuring the secession of Kentucky, and ef-
fecting an alliance between that territory and Spain.

In the first place Wilkinson during the whole time of this al-
leged conspiracy with Governor Miro was a private citizen, that is
from the close of the Revolutionary War xmtil December, 1791, at
which latter date Washington again appointed him a Lieutenant
Colonel in the regular army. In the next place, at the time Wilkin-
son was charged with this attempted betrayal there was properly
speaking no country ot nation for him to betray; and lastly every
act of his life proved that he was devoted to the true interests of the
people of the United States.

The Third Article of the Confederation, adopted 1777, ex-
pressly declared it was but "firm league of Mendship" that the
several States were entering into, and the Second Article of the
same instrument expressly declared each State retained its own
sovereignty.

The Encyclopedia Brittanica Vol. 23, p. 745 says, that under
these articles of confederation:

"The States were separating from one another and from Congress.
There was no executive. Congress could with difficulty bring enough
members together to form a quorimi. Scarcely any one outside paid any
attention to what it did. Least of all was it respected by foreign govern-
ments."

The Encyclopedia Brittanica further says, Vol. 24, p. 260,

"King James in 1609, gave the London Company a sea front of 400
miles of frontage throughout from sea to sea, and imder this charter Virginia
had jurisdiction over her imperial colony territory and under it holds the
fragment of this colony called Virginia."

Channing's History of the United States, p. 109, says,

Virginia's claims on these lands "had been annulled in 1624, after which
she became a royal province."

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80 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

This claim of Virginia to the colony of Kentucky was vague
and shadowy. Under the grant of King James in 1609 of the country
from ocean to ocean (even if it had not been annulled), that State
really had as much right to California as it had to Kentucky.

In Shaler's History of American Commonwealths, (Ky.), that
author says,

"The Colonial charters of Virginia gave to that cx)lony a claim on all
the lands of the Mississippi Valley that lay to the west of the boundaries
of New York and Pennsylvania, as well as Virginia itself. At that time when
the grants were made and for generations afterwards, this western domain
was to Virginia a very intangible property, if indeeed it deserved the name
a possession."

Butler in his history of Kentucky, Vol. 2, p. 262, says, that the
confederation of States was often called "A political barrel of 13
staves without a hoop."

Collins in his History of Kentucky says,

"Repeated efforts were made by General Harry Lee to obtain a conti-
nental force of 700 or even 600 soldiers to protect the western frontier from
the savages, but the frantic jealousy of the central power cherished by the
sovereign states at a time when that central power grovelled in the most
hopeless imbecility, peremptorily forbade even this small force to be em-
bodied, lest it would lead to the overthrow of State rights."

James K. Hosmer, member of the Minnesota Historical Society,
in his history of the Mississippi Valley, published in 1901, says:

"The critical period in American History between the peace of 1783
and the adoption of the Constitution was not less threatening and disorderly
in the Mississippi Valley than in the east. In 1784, the Wantauga settle-
ment which had been merged in North Carolina constituted itself the State
of Franklin. At the head of the faction was Sevier, ever combative, * * ♦ ♦
No one can be blamed that in those days loyalty to the feeble union was
languid, and a strong separatist feeling rife. The iinion being a jelly, what
protection or credit could it afford to win adherents? In these western
communities, some favored complete independence; some would have gone
back with equanimity to England; some again were ready to connect them-
selves with Spain, which held New Orleans and the world beyond the river.
The resourceful Clark and the well poised Robertson, even showing Spanish
sympathies, while Daniel Boone finding the air contaminated by the swelling
immigration, pushing across into a new wilderness took the oath of alle-
giance to Spain, and became an officer (the Alcade) of the District of St.
Charles, a Spanish post on the Missouri."

The eastern part of Kentucky also set itself up as the province
of Transylvania, and opposed the authority of Virginia. A State
convention had been held in 1784 in Kentucky looking to her in-
dependence.

In 1784, the year that Wilkinson settled there, the grievances
of Kentucky were three fold —

1st. "This infant commonwealth rocked anfid the war whoop and the
rifle, plundered by Indians and shut up by Spaniards, was still subjected to a
portion of the domestic debt then existing against Virginia." (Butler p.

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General James Wilkinson \ 81

181). The capital of \^ginia, 500 miles distant, could only be reached by
two mountain trails and across unbridged rivers, all traversible by pack
horses only; and the main sQurce of the public revenues, arising from the sale
of Kentucky's public lands, were taken by the parent mother with hardly
any compensatmg sustenance for her hungry child.

2nd. The settlers of Kentucky demanded protection against Indian
atrocities, from Virginia and her sister States in vain. Smith, m his History
of Kentucky, p. 316, declares that the pioneers of that region lost over
5,000 men, women and children alone, from Indian attacks; and these
victims were often made to suffer frightful tortures before death.

Whether in their fields or at their churches, the rifle was then always
the inseparable companion of the pioneer.

3rd. Kentucky, with her 4,000 miles of water ways, barred by granite
walls of mountains from trade on the east, desired above all else the free
navigation of the Mississippi River, her ovXy avenue to trade and commerce.
This, if she was a component part of Virguiia, had been guaranteed to the
Colonies by the recent British treaty of peace, the British having formerly
acquired that ceded right by treaty from Spain. This right was wrong-
fully denied to Kentuckians by the Spaniards, and every ve^ sent by them
as far as Natchez was seized and with its cargo, confiscated by the Spanish
buccaneers of the Mississippi. All their complaints as to this had been
ignored, and no redress was afforded them.

Fiske's "Critical periods of American History" p. 211 says:

"By the treaties that closed the Revolutionary war in 1783. the pro-
vince of East and West Florida were ceded by England to Spain. West
Fl<»ida bordered the Mississippi River, and the Spaniards claimed that
it extended up to the Yazoo River. The Americans claimed that it extended
only to Natchez, but by secret treaty with England and the United States,
it was agreed if England could continue to keep West Florida, the upper
boundary should be the Yazoo. When the Spaniards foimd out about the
secret treaty they were furious and closed the mouth of the river. Congress
was informed that until this matter was set right no American sloop or barge
should dare to show itself below Natchez without danger of confiscation.
These threats produced opposite feelings in the NcMth and South. New
York and the Eiastem and Northern States cared no more for the Missi^)pi
River than for Timbuctoo. On the other hand the pioneers of the West
were not willing to sit still when their pork and com were being ccmfiscated.
The Spanish envoy, Gardaquo, arrived in Philadelphia in the summer of
1784. and John Jay, Minister of Foreign Affairs, was directed to negotiate
a new treaty with him. A year of wrangling passed between the latter and
the Spanish Minister. At last in despair Jay advised Congress for the sake
of a Commercial treaty, to allow Spain to dose the navigation of the Missis-
sippi River below the Yazoo for 25 years. As the rumor of this went abroad
among the settlements of the Ohio there was an outburst of wrath to which
an incident that then occurred gave greater virulence. A North Carolina
native named Amis sailed down the River with pots and pans and flour.
His boat and cargo were seized at Natchez and he was forced to return
home on foot alone through the wiTds; Spaniards were attacked at Vincennes;
Indignation meetings were held in Kentucky; the people thre;atened to send
a force down the river to capture Natchez and New Orleans and a more
dangerous threat was made that should the Northern States desert then
and adopt Jay's suggestion, that they would secede and throw themselves
on Great Britain for protection. Leaders in the Northern States declared
that if Jay's suggestion was not adopted that it would be high time for the
Northern States to secede from the Union and form a federation by them-
selves. The situation was dangerous in the extreme. Sooner than see their
colonies go, the Southern States would have themselves seceded and broken
broken away from the Northern States. But New Jersey and Pennsylvania
came over with Rhode Island to the Southern side and Jay's proposal
was defeated/'

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82 The Louisiana Hisiorical Quarterly

During the early part of this excfteoieiit in 1784 the Kentucky
settlements held a conventi(m, and this convention passed a resolu-
ti<m requesting the admission of Kentudcy into the Union as an
independent and sovereign State.

The NcMTthem States were always bitterly opposed to admitting
Kentucky because it would increase to their disadvantage the
political strength of the South and West.

Virgmia,— who claimed jurisdiction over these settlements,
was opposed to letting Kentucky go, and even then preparations
were being made to establish a water connection between the head
waters of the Potomac and Ohio, and the free navigation of the Mis-
sissippi and the independence of Kentucky meant a loss of much
prospective trade to the Eastern States.

Fiske's "Critical Periods of American History," p. 214 says:

"Washington himself ardently desired the traffic of the Western States
brought eastward. In 1785 he bcKrame President of a Company for extend-
ing the navigation of the Potomac and James Rivers establbhed by l^is-
lative act of Virginia, and the scheme was to connect the head waters of the
Potomac with those of the Ohio." ,

From a convention between Maryland and Virginia to advance
this tirork, grew out other conventions and subsequently the great
convention that formed .the Constitution of the United States.

In Washington's farewell address (September 17th, 1796) he
says:

"The east, in a like intercourse with the West already finds, and in the
progressive improvements of interior communications by land and water,
will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings
from abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East
supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still
greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of in-
dispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence and the
future maritime strength to the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an
indissoluble community of interests as one Nation. Any other tenure by
which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its
own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with
any foreign power must be intrinsically precarious."

Walker's "Making of the Nation," p. Ill, says:

"The settlers had a passionate desire to secure the free navigation
of the Mississippi. To this end the hardy pioneers were almost ready to
sacrifice their allegiance to the Union.* ♦♦♦*♦**♦*"

"On the other hand it must be admitted that the first administration
especially Washington and Judge Jay showed a singular obtxiseness with
dealing with the demands of the West on that point. Washington having
penetrated as a surveyor beyond the mountains ♦♦*♦*♦♦♦** had
become deeply interested in projects for opening up trade between the West
and the eeaooaid as to be almost infatuated with the idea. Jay on his part
held that the benefits which would result to the whole country firwn favor-
able commercial treaties with Spain would be so great as to justify asking
the Western people to submit for twenty-five vears longer to restrictions on
the navigation of the Mississippi."

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General James Wilkinson 83

Having shown the conditions in the section whare Wilkinscm
was to become a leader, I will now refer to his early life.

WiUdnscm was bom in Calvert County, Maryland, in 1757. He
was forced to begin his life's work early as his father died when he
was six years old. He was a student of medicine when the revolu-
tionary war began. In 1775 he joined the revolutionary army as a
private. On March 1776 he was promoted to a captaincy by General
George Washington. On July 17th, 1776, he was promoted to be
brigade Major. On May 24th, 1777, he was made Adjutant General
by Major-General Gates, and was one of the representatives of Gen-
eral Gates, that arranged the surrender of Burgoyne.

In the report of this surrender by General Gates which Wil-
kinson bore to John Hancock, President of the Continental Con-
gress, dated October 18th, 1777, the former said:

"This letter will be presented to your excellency by my Adju-
tant General, Col. Wilkinson, to whom I beg leave to refer you for
the particulars that brought this great business to so fortunate and
happy a conclusion. I desire to be permitted to recommend this
gallant officer, in the warmest manner to Congress, and entreat
that he may be continued in his present office with the brevet of
Brigadier General. The Honorable Congress will believe me when I
assure them that from the beginning of this contest, I have not met
with a more promising, military genius than Colonel Wilkinson, and
whose services have been of the last importance to this army.

I have the honor to be your excellency'^s obedient servant,
Hcaratio Gates."

On November 6th, 1777, Congress honored Wilkinson with the
brevet of Brigadier General.

We have thus presented the remarkable showing that an orphan
boy, without fortune or friends, entering the revolutionary war
as a private, at 18 years of age, had already taken a leading part in
that war, and in two short years had won his way by several succes-
sive promotions to the brevet rank of Brigadier General.

Subsequently Wilkinson owing to ill health and an unfortimate
misunderstandmg with his superior officers in regard to what was
known as the Conway Cabal, which had for its object the elevation
of Gates over Washington as Commander-in-Chief, resigned his
commission.

Wilkinson denied that he ever had anything to do with the
Conway matter, and it is hardly probable that he, then only 20
years old, and friendly with both generals, would have taken part
in any such scheme. Subsequently Wilkinson was appointed to the

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84 The Louisiana Historical Qtmrterly

responsible position of Clothier General of the Army and served
as such to the close of the revolutionary war.

After the close of the revolutionary war, Wilkinson moved,
in 1784, with his family to Kentucky, and (^)ened a mercantile
business in Lexington. His means were limited, as the continental
money in which soldiers of the revolution had been paid was wortii
about as much as confederate money was during the late Civil War,
and histcMians of that early time say it took about twenty dollars
of it to buy a single meal.

When Wilkinson arrived, the settlement of Kentucky was in a
turmoil. There had already been one convention held in 1784 to
obtain Kentucky's independence and admission as a State.

Wilkinson was elected as a delegate to the 2nd Kentucky Con-
vention held in 1785. He took a leading part in that convention
and wrote its memorial for Kentucky's independence.

Smith in his History of Kentucky, p. 251, writes:

''In this address is realized the florid writer and eloquent orator
General James Wilkinson. This gentleman had removed with his family
from Philadelphia to Lexington in the fall of the preceeding year, and was
now for the first time elected a member of this convention."

Smith adds, as to the address to the people:

'This address and these resolutions are from the same pen. It will
hardly escape remark that the prayer for the separation is for an acknowl-
edgment of Sovereignty and Independence."

Butler, in his History of Kentucky, says, (p. 148, 149).

''This resolution and its eloquent preamble were followed by an address
to the legislature of Virginia and the people of the District in a style of dig-
nity and ornament as yet unprecedented in the public proceedings of
Kentucky. They were certainly the production of General Wilkinson,
at the time in qu^tion a member of the^convention. This gentleman whose
emigration in the District has been noticed, now began to act a leading
part of the History of Kentucky; indicative of the distinguished figure
which his impressive powers as a fine writer, his military service and dis-
tinguished abilities enabled him to exhibit in the affairs of a Nation. It
will be perceived that there is in these papers an elevation of political ideas
richly dressed in appropriate composition; nor should any political imputa-
tion rest on them as has been insinuated because this assembly petitioned
for 'Sovereignty and Independence.' Sovereignty was much more con-
sistently the attribute of tlie members of the dd confederation than those
of the present constitution union."

In September, 1786, a fifth Kentucky convention was held
whose object was again either to secure the indepedence of Kentucky
or obtain her admission into the confederation as a sovereign State.
This convention, of which Wilkinson was also a member, adjourned
from day to day until January, 1787.

On June 28th, 1785, Mr; John Jay, Secretary of State for foreign

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General James Wilkinson 85

affairs was authorized, as I have shown, to negotiate a new treaty
with Don Gardaquo, Minister to Spain, then located at Philadelphia,
but Congress expressly prohibited any relinquishment thereby of
the right to a free navigation of the lower Mississippi river. In spite
of this prohibition, Mr. Jay, in an endeavor to procure traffic advan-
tages with Spain for the Atlantic States, recommended to Qmgress
a treaty containing a stipulation that the United States should
recognize the Spanish right to the exclusive navigation of the Mis*
sissippi River for 25 or 30 years.

In the 6th Kentucky Convention that met at Danville, October,
1788, Wilkinson, again a member, delivered a fiery address which in
part stated:

*That it was with general abhorrence that the people received the in-
telligence that Congress was about to cede to Spain the exclusive right of
navigating the Mississippi River for 25 years; that the western people were
being driven to the alternative of separating themselves from the union on
that account considering this navigation indisp^isable to their future
growth and prosperity; that Spain should be so blind to her true interest
as to refuse the use of the river to the western people and thereby compel
a resort to military means. Great Britain stood ready with a sufficient
force of armed allies to cooperate with them in enforcing this national
right-
Wilkinson also read to the convention an address he had made the
Spanish authorities on his visit to New Orleans the previous year.

Smith's History of Kentucky, p. 287, says:

"After reading this the author received a vote of thanks from the
convention without a dissenting vote."

Smith says, (p. 301) :

'Thus, from the first meeting in 1784 to consider the necessity of form-
ing an independent State government for their own protection and msui-
agement of home affairs, until the admission into the union eight years
later, the people of Kentucky were subjected to the torturing and irritat-
ing necessity of appointing or electing delegates for assemWages in ten
successive conventions, were embarrassed by sectional jealousies of the
North Eastern States, for a natural affiliation with the Union, and hampered
and delayed by restrictive legislation with Virginia."

It will therefore be seen that Wilkinson, embittered no doubt
by the massacres of so many of his people by the Indians, without
any attempt to extend them protection; by the imwelcome, and im*
OHnpromising attitude of the Northern States to the admission of
Kentucky as a State; by the fact that John Jay was attempting to
sell even then the natural birthright of the Western coimtry for a
mess of pottage for the benefit of the Atlantic States, which States
were openly threatening to secede from the confederation if Jay was
not allowed to do so, was not only openly suggesting before this
conveption a possible agreement with Spain; but he went further

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86 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

and was openly and boldly advocating the independence of Kentucky
and a possible alliance with England, and that convention unant-
mously approved his address.

The late venerable Claiborne of Mississippi, nephew of the
first Governor of Louisiana, in his History of the men of Wilkinson's
time, agreed with Butler that Wilkinson was openly advocating an
alliance with Spain to force an admission into the union of Kentucky
as a State.

And Smith, Kentucky's later Historian, p. 292-3, says:

"No party intended *♦**♦♦*♦*♦* anything more than
commercial relations granting to Kentucky the right of navigation and
exclusive trade. With consimunate skill, the party under the lead of Wil-
kinson played the game of diplomatic strategy to tantalize the eager rapacity
of Spain, while they menaoed Congress to action by pointing to the open
anns and seductive blandishments with which Spain stood ready to welcome
Kentucky to her alliance."

Under the 9th article of the confederation no colony or part
thereof could be admitted as a State without the consent of nine of
the thirteen States. So, as the Northern States were opposed to the
admission of Kentucky, her case seemed hopeless.

That some powerful lever was necessary to obtain the admission
of Kentucky into the Union is evidenced by the fact, that Vermont,
whose soldiers, imder Ethan Allen, fought bravely for the indepen-
dence of the colonies, was herself forced to apply to Congress for
admisdon for 15 years, before becoming a State, and was then, in
1788, like Kentudcy, still an applicant for admission; and while it
took nine State conventions in Kentucky held from 1784 to 1790
to plead, implore and threaten her way into the Union in 1792, it
toe* nearly double that time for Vermont to achieve admission.

Not a single new State was admitted during the existence of the
Confederation frcMn 1777 to 1789.

In this connection, although by the 3rd article of the French
treaty of the cession of Louisiana from Napoleon, it was provided,
that Louisiana should be promptly admitted as a State in the Union;
the jealousy of the Northern States prevented this for eight years,
it being contended by the Northern States, that the highly civilized
French and Spanish residents were not capable of self government;
and when the bill was presented for Louisiana's admission, that
admission was only obtained after the most bitter protests from cer-
tain northern States, Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts declaring in
Congress:

"That if Louisiana was admitted the Union of States was thereby
dissolved, and that it would be then the duty of those States to prepare
for a separation, amicably if they can, forcibly if they must."

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General James Wilkinson 87

The chair thereupon sustained a point of order made by Mr.
Pointdexter, of Mississippi, that language involving a dissolution
of the Union could not be permitted on the floor of the House; but on
appeal, this ruling of the chair was reversed, and thus encouraged
the speaker went on with furious invective against the danga^ of
admitting Louisiana, or any State from her teniory, as subversive
of the Union.

Again as late as 1814, the delegations from Northern States,
to the Hartford Convention adopted there resolutions that meant
the secession of those States, which secession was only prevented by
peace being declared between England and this coimtry.

Strange it is that it should be deemed treasonable for Wilkinson
to have advocated the secession of Kentxicky, an outlyii^ territory,
from a confederation of States that had refused to receive her as a
sister State, and all this before a imion of States had ever been formed,
while it should be held no sin to preach secession by f(»rce by leaders
of the principal States of the union on the floor by Congress itself,
23 years after the Union had been formed, and the former confedera-
tion had ceased to exist, and later again during a war which menaced
the very existence of this country.

Apart from and beyond a diminuticm of political power there
may have loomed up before these leaders of the North a prophetic
vision of the time when New Orleans, the Queen City 6t the South,
would be the successful rival of every Sea Board City in the Union,
save New York, for foreign trade, as they no doubt realized the self-
evident truth that every potmd of import or export freight that as-
cended or descended the Mississippi River, either to, or from the
west, was that much less trade for the Nor£h and East.

But taking up these charges against Wilkinson and analyzing
them logically, and I may add comparatively, with later events in
American History, they do not on the admitted facts justify the
severe criticisms levelled against Wilkinson the private citizen,
when he led the threatened secessicm of Kentucky between 1785
and 1790.

There is no character that is more revered and admired in modern
American pistory than that of General Robert E. Lee. He was not
a private citizen, but an officer in the army of the United States
when eleven States of the Union began one by one to secede from a
Union of States, whose naticMial government had existed for seventy
years.

General Lee and the men of the South affirmed the right of the

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88 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

States to secede from the Union, and the former resigned his com-
mission and cast his lot with his native State of Virginia.

If Lee and the entire people of the South, including some of
Wilkinson's descendants, who sealed their convictions with their
blood, believed their States had the right to secede, after the union
had existed under a stable national government for seventy years,
to secede too, the North claims, largely on the question of negro
slavery; if they could justify and defend the firing on the union flag
at Fort Sumter, if they could justify and participate in a war that
cost blood and tears and treasures and suflfering untold, during
which war they appealed both to England and France for aid and
support, her most famous admiral, Semmes, just previously an officer
of the United States Navy, securing a wardiip from England with
which he almost swept the commerce of the United States from the
seas, without taking the life of a single non-combatant; if they could
do all this, then Wilkinson, a private citizen, one of the pioneers in
1784 in a western wild, before a union of States had ever been formed
when the right of a sovereign State to secede was not denied and
could not be denied; where the settlements he lived in was not even a
State, or justly a part of any State; where the territory he lived in
had itself been thrice denied admissioh in the federation of States,
surely then he could not be justly condenmed because, with thous-
ands of others, he advocated the adoption of a policy which seemed
to him and those other pioneers of Kentucky, vital to the preserva-
tion of both their property and their lives.

Butler, p. 173, says:

'To try the conduct of Kentucky statesmen in 1788 under a confeder-
ation in rums and in factions, by the same principles which should now
direct the mind undef an efficient and benencent government, would be
ab^rd and imjust."

Shaler's History of American Commonwealths (Kentucky), says:

"There is a remarkable likeness between the incidents of separatists
struggle of 1784-1790 and those of the secession movement of 1860-1, ♦ * *
♦♦♦♦*♦* In the former, however, the proposition was for a separa-
tion from a government that hardly existed and against which many valid
objections could be urged, such a separation would have violated no pledges
whatever."

Parton's Life of Burr, Vol. 2, p. 32, says:

"The reader must be reminded that during the administration of John
Adams, the Union, to backwoodsmen, had not the sacred charm it has
since possessed. The noise of party contention filled the land. The Union
as Wilkinson himself said, seemed to hang together by a thread, which any
jnoment might break. Wilkinson may have thought of hastening the cat-
astrophe, of fcwming a western republic, of becoming its Washington, with-
out being in any sense of the wora, a traitor."

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Smith in his History, p. 291, says:

"In making up the verdict of judgment we must consider that the
chaotic and imbecile government of the Union of 1788 was a very doubtful
' and precarious hope of the future compared to the Union of today, and the
proposed independent separation from Virginia was just what Virginia
and the other States had done a few years before with Great Britain with
less cogent reaspns."

'The alleged cause of the American Revolution, (Taxation
without representation), consisted in a levy in April, 1770, of a six
cents a poimd import duty on tea. The mother coimtry then paid
an inland tax of 24 cents a pound on the same article, and the prefer-
ence shown the colonies in this matter was resented as an attempt
to bribe them to support this form of a tax."(Channing's History of
the U. S., p. 65.) The proceeds of this tax only amoimted to about
three hundred dollars a year, and England had probably spent a
thousand times as much as this on the armies she had sent over a
few years before to protect the colonies from the French and the
Indians.

The United States later adopted in her own territories practi-
cally the same system that she had waged war about with the mother
country.

Section 1862 of the U. S. Revised Statuteis, still in force,, limited
each territory to one delegate in the House of Representatives,
and gave no territorial representation in the United States Senate.
The delegate in the lower body* was expressly denied the right to
vote on any question. Represented in the Lower House by a politi-
cal eimuch, and with no representation at all in the Senate, the ter-
ritories, that so long comprised three quarters of the entire area of
this coimtry, paid millions of dollars of both Internal Revenue and
Import taxes to the Federal Government without representation in
the levy of such taxes and had the same right to secede on this ac-
count as the colonies originally had.

Adams, History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 143, says:

"Even after the adoption of the new constitution. Union was a ques-
tion of expediency, not of obligation. This was the conviction of the true
Virginia School and of Jefferson's opponents as well as his supporters."

We must moreover judge the conduct of Wilkinson at that time
by what a great many others were then doing in the United States.
Hart's "Formation of the Union", p. 112-117, says:

'The revolutionary war had left behind it an eddy of lawlessness and
disregard of human life. The support of the government was a heavy load
on the people. The States were physically weak and the State legislatures
habitually timid. In several States there were organized attempts to set
off outlymg portions as independent governments. Vermont had set the

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example by withdrawing from New York, in 1777, and thoughout the confed-
eration remained without representation, either in the New York legisla-
ture or in Congress. In 1782 the western coimtries of Pennsylvania and
Virginia threatened to break of! and form a new State. From 1785 to 1786,
the so called State of Franklin formed out of the territory of what is now
Eastern Tennessee, had a constitution, legislature and Governor and carried
on a mild border warfare with the government of North Carolina, to which
its people owed allegiance. The people of Kentucky and of Maine held
conventions looking towards separation. The year 1786 was marked by
great uneasiness in what had been supposed to be the steadiest States in the
Union. In New Hampshire there was a threatened insurrection against the
legislatiire. In Massachusetts in the fall of 1786, concerted violence threat-
ened the courts from sitting. •♦***♦♦*♦♦* As a speaker in the
Massachusetts Convention m 1788, said, 'People took arms, and then if
you went to speak to them you had a musket of death presented to your
breast. They would rob you of your property, threaten to Dum your houses;
obliged you to be on your guard night and day. ♦♦**♦♦♦♦♦* How
terrible how distressing this was *♦**♦♦*♦♦♦ had any one who
was able to protect us come and set up his standard, we should have ail
flocked to it even should it have been a monarch. The arsenal at Spring-
fiekl was attacked; the State forces were sent in the open Md by armed
insurgents; had they been successful the Union was not worth one of its
own repudiated notes. ♦♦♦♦*♦♦*♦♦ The year 1786, marks a crisis
in the development of the Union. The inefficiency of Congress, was re-
flected in the neglect of the Constitutional duties of the States; Rliode Isl-
and recalled her delegates and refu5«d to appoint new members; New Jersey
felt 90 much injured by a New York tariff that an act was passed taxing
the light house established by New York on Sandy Hook; Massachusetts,
Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Georgia had ah-eady raised troops on
their own account and for their own purposes in violation of the articles of
confederation. Davie, of North Carolina, a little later declared, that the
'encroachments of some States on the rights of others are incontestible
proofs of the weakness of the confederation.' ' Of the requisitions of that
time for two million dollars, in q)ecie, only about four hundred thousand
dollars was paid. Some States offered their own depreciated notes, and
New Jersey refused to contribute at all tmtil the offensive New Yock
acts were withdrawn. In May, 1786, Chas. Pinckncy on the floor of Con-
gress, declared. That Congress must be invested with more power or that
federal government must falL' "

Channing's recent History of the United States, p. 121, repeats
most of this and adds:

"Another instance of the same interstate rivalry was to be seen in the
relations of Massachusetts and Connecticut. To pcotect her shipping and
manufacturing interests Massachusetts passed a severe navigation act
designed to keep the English goods and traders out of that State. Con-
necticut thereupon repealed every trade law on her statute book, thereby
inviting f(»reign trade to her harbors and owing to the facilities for overiand
smugglmg, completely frustrated the policy of Massachusetts."

Rhode Island levied both an export and import duty on ^gs
going into and ccHning from New York and caught the hen fruit
industry both ways.

Where the confederated States, that during their entire exis-
tance never adtnttted another State, were themselves engaged in a
prohibitive trade war inter-sese, I ask, what hope was there for the
settlements of Kentucky, that those States would, or coukl, evex

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General James Wilkinson 91

enforce against so strCHig a power, as ^>ain then was, a freedom of
trade which they did not, and could not, enforce among themselves?
Channing says, (p. 121):

"The real cause of the downfall of the confederation and the estab-
lishment of a more perfect union, was **********tobe found in
the conviction, which gained ground rapidly in 1786-87, that the several
States could not long continue on the existing basis without civil war."

•The confederation was to quote the general consensus of opinion,
an unhappy experiment of an impossible form of government.

Gauging Wilkinson's views, not by the present strong and
stable tmion. but by a disintegrating confederacy, tottering to its
own fall; not by the magnificent domain of the west as it exists to-
day, but by what public men of his own times thought of it, as a
desert and forest wild, it would not seem that anyone then deemed
the secession of the scattered settlements of Kentucky, barely able
to hold their own against the Indians, or the non-acquisition of that
western wild, would have mattered much to the majority of the
States then engaged in internecine strife and carrying on a ccxnmerdal
wsu: amcmg themselves. The laikls of the Atlantic States too were
still sparsely settled, and neither Washington, Adams, nor even Jef-
ferscm prior to 1800, looked with favor on Western emigration.

Even at a later date in his letter to Breckenridge, August 12,.
1803, Preddent Jefferson wrote,

"Whether we remain one confederacy or form into Atlantic and Mis-
sissippi Confederations, is not important to the happiness of either
pert d the country."

And of this Adams, in his History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 72,
said, "Even over his liberal mind history cast a spell so strong that he thought
the solitary experience of a political confederacy not very important be-
yond the Alleghanies."

Hosmer's History of the Louisiana Purchase, p. 64, says:

"Madison is on record as believing that emigration west of the Mis-
dssippi River would be detrimental; that settlers should remain on the
Eastern side and not 'dilute population' by spreading too widely. To
occupy that unknown desert, «8uch as it was believed to be in great part,
would most imwisely 'slacken concentratkm' and be a certain promoter of
disunion sentiments. It was a necessity that the West Bank should
be under a separate government. These views of his secretary the President
probably shared."

When Monroe and Livingston were sent to negotiate for the
purchase of Louisiana they were only authorized to buy New Orleans,
west Florida and the lands adjacent thereto, and they were instructed
not to buy the west bank of the river, and were authorized to guar-
antee a joint use of the Mississippi River to the nation owning the
west bank country above New Orleans. Livingston in his arguments

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to Napoleon and his minister repeatedly said, that he attached no
great importance to anything but the New Orleans section of Louis-
iana and it was Napoleon alone that insisted practically, that the
tail of the ox must go with the hide, that the conunissioners must take
all of Loiiisiana, or none. The conunissioners were authorized to
promise $10,000,000, for the limited area they were to buy. They
increased this limit by five million dollars for all of Louisiana, and
the addition of this land and increase of price were not welcomed
either by President Jefferson or by his secretary, James Madison.

So imwelcome in fact was it, that far from thanking the com-
missioners for their splendid service, Howard, on the "Louisiana
Purchase," p. 121, says:

"Madison wrote a personal letter to James Monroe finding fault with
Livingston for this action."

In the spring of 1787 while the feeling Ipietween Kentucky and
the Spanish authorities was at its hottest, Wilkinson loaded a flat
boat with tobacco, hams, butter and flour and started fearlessly on a
1400 mile floating test voyage to New Orleans. Early historians say
that trips of that kind were usually made by three flat boats lashed
abreast, the center one being used by the cr^w and the others as a
fortification against Indian attacks, ajtid . that firequently white
captives were placed on the banks to entreat succor, as a lure, which
several times resulted in the captwe or massacre of an entire crew
by the Indians. Wilkinson risked the Indian peril in a single flatboat
A f mther peril was successfully overcome by Wilkinson at the Spanish
Post at Natchez, but on his arrival at New Orl^ms his cargo was
seized.

In Daniel Clark's memoir to Hon. Timothy Pickering, Secre-
tary of State, dated April 18th, 1798, the former, strange to say,
gives a truthful account of how Wilkinson overawed the Danish
officer at Natchez into allowing him to pass, and how, when his cargo
was seized at New Orleans, Wilkinson threatened the vengeance of
Kentuckians for the outrage.

Clark said to Rckering:

"Governor Miro, a weak man, unacquainted with American Govern-
ment, ignorant even of the position of Kentucky, with respect to his own
province, but alarmed at the very idea of an irruption of Kentucky men
whom he feared without knowing their strength, communicated his wishes
to the intendant that the guard might be removed from Wilkinson's boat
which was accordingly done *♦*******♦ In his interview with
the governor, Wilkinson, that he might not seem to derogate from
the character given of him, by appearing cpncemed in so trifling a business
as a boat load of tobacco, hams and butter, gave the governor to under-
stand that the property belonged to many citizens of Kentucky, who avail-

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General James Wilkinson 93

in? themsclyes of his return. to the Atlantic States by way of New Orleans,
wished to make a trial of tne temppr of this government as he, on his arrival,
might inform his own govertmient that steps had been pursued, under
his eye, . that adequate measures should be afterwards taken to procure
satisfaction. ♦♦**♦♦*♦♦♦ Convinced by this discourse that the
General rather wished for an 6pportunity of embroiling affairs, than he
sought to avoid it, the governor became more alarmed ♦*****♦*♦♦
and he resolved to hold out as a bait to Wilkinson the permission to trade
at New Orleans if he would use his influence with Kentuckians to prevent an
invasion of Louisiana."

The Honorable Oliver Pollock, American Agent at New Orleans,
during the revolutionary war, who was a great favorite of the Spanish
governors of Louisiana, testified under oath at Wilkinson's tri^:

"I was deeply interested in the information that General Wilkinson had
obtained permission to bring down tobacco, wisbino: to have the exclusive
privilege myself, and I immediately went to Governor Miro, to ask the cause
of tobacco coming down the river in large quantities, as I was in-
formed, whereupon he told me that he had consented for General Wilkinson
to bring down tobacco in hopes to pacify the Kentuckians and people
of the western country, to prevent a rupture between Spain and America,
and in order to give time for negotiations between the two powers
relative to the navigation of the Mississippi."

Upon its face every one of Wilkinson's statements to Miro were
true. His adherents in Kentucky were ready and anxious for the
firay and his statement in the Kentucky convention later in October,
1788, was that if Spain denied Kentucky's rights that he was pre-
pared to lead them against the Spaniards at New Orleans and even
invoke England's aid, just as President Jefferson wrote in 1803 to
Livingston that if France attempted to take possession of New
Orleans imder her pxirchase from Spain, this country would become
"married to the army and navy of England."

Wilkinson won out with Miro, to use a slang phrase, pxirely
on his nerve. It is doubtful whether Miro gave Wilkinson a privi-
lege to trade at New Oi leans, but if he did, this privilege in Wilkin-
son's name was also used for the property of other Kentuckians.
Otherwise Wilkinson could not have retained his pc^ularity.

Wilkinson constituted Clark and Rees his selling agents, returned
from New Orleans to Kentucky, via sea and the Atlantic States, and
took a leading part in the proceeciings of the Danville Convention
in October, 1788.

Gayarre and all the historians who have sought to cast obloquy
on the ashes of General Wilkinson, have sought to show that during
the Miro administration, which ended in 1791, General Wilkinson
was, both by a trade monopoly and a money pension, bribed as a
mercenary of Spain. The alleged copies of Willrinson's letters which
Governors Gayoso, Miro or Carondelet may have forwarded to Spain
to enhance and magnify the impcMtance of what they were doing

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for the mother country, while they contained much that was true,
like a lie that is half the truth, give color to Gayarre's charges.
Gayarre's secret bitterness against Wilkinson arose no doubt from a
belief that the latter had tricked and deceived the Spaniards, Gayarre's
grandfather having been one of the intendants of Spain.

It is true that Laussat rq)orted to his government, that WH-
kmson had tricked and deceived the Spaniards, but Wilkinson did
not trick and deceive them half so much as Laussat's chief, the iSrst
Consul, did, when the latter bought Louisiana in 1800 from Spain,
under a solemn promise not to sell it to any other power, and pro-
ceeded promptly to sell it to the United States. Wilkinson did not
equal even his own government in duplicity, when by the treaty of
1783, England and the United States accorded East and West Florida
to Spain, and then by a simultaneous secret treaty this country
urged England to hold on to West Florida and deprive Spain of it.

Whatever visions of a prospective alliance with Kentucky,
Wilkinson did hold out to the Spaniards, I have yet to see any al-
leged letter written by Wilkinson that proved that he ever actually
got a, dollar from the government of Spain save in commercial trans-
actions. That he received nothing on his first visit to New Orleans
Miro admits in his letter of June 15th, 1788, quoted in SrdGayarre,
p. 212.

Wilkinson sent Mr: Isaac Dtinn down with his tobacco boats in
1788 and did not go to New Orleans himself again till 1789.

In this letter Miro wrote:

*Troin the beginning, he, Wilkinson had informed me he was not
possessed of any pecuniary means. Here an individual on the recommen-
dation of the intendant Navarro had loaned him $3,000.00. He now begs
me not to seize his cargo, as he has pledged the products of its sale to re-
fimd that sum, and to pay his crew, and the amcunt due on the tobacco
which he has bought on credit, and as the balance is to enable him to stipport
himself without embanassment, which will tend to increase and preserve
his influence in his State." (3 Gayarre 212.)

Miro adds:

"Although his candor and the information I have sou^t from ofiany
who have known him well, seem to assiire us he is working in good earnest,
yet I am aware that it may be possible that his intention is to enrich himself
at our expenses with promises and hopes he knows to be vain." (3 Gayarre
313.)

We find here, according to Miro, Wilkinson asking, by his
agent Isaac Dimn in 1788, that his cargo be not seized as it is all he
has to pay money borrowed by him on his previous visit and his crew
and to use for his personal expenses.

If there had been any trade agreement between Wilkinson and

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Gtmral Jame$ Wilkinsan 95

MJro in 1787 why should the former beg Miro not to seize his cargo
in 1788.

Compare Wilkinson's honesty with his subsequent treatment
by the ^niards.

The King of Spain had a monopoly of the tobacco trade. The
records shows that Governor Miro had an interest in Wilkinson's
cargoes and was always itfging the King to buy tobacco in New Or-
leans. In 1790 Wilkinson woridng on a scanty capital afta: his
coolness with Miro, shipped 135 hogsheads to his agent Hiillip Nolan
at New Orleans. On a pretense that they were damaged, the King's
in^^ector, Arrieta, kept and refused payment for these hogsheads
of tobacco. This tobacco was however, passed, the following year,
by another inspector, Brion, and the proceeds of same, $17,874,
were only partially paid for duting the ensuing five succeeding years,
which left Wilkinson, in 1791, without any working capital.

After this when General Harmar's forces were cut to pieces by
the Indians, Wilkinson volunteered early in 1791 as second in com-
mand of the Kentucky Ranga:^ tmder General Scott and was ap-
pointed December 1791, by General Washington, a colonel in the
regular army. Wilkinson's Memoits, vol. 2, declare, pp. 114 and 227,
that he was not trained for trade and that his commercial ventures
had been failures, and that after he again driw his sword, in 1791,
he had taken leave of trade forever.

Honorable Oliver Pollock also testified at Wilkinson's trial,
that as he was delivering his own tobacco at New Orleans in 1790,
the inspector told him that Wilkinson's tobacco Was condemned
and lodged in the King's store.

In Robertson's recent "History of Louisiana imder Spain," is
reported an alleged letter from Gayoso, then Spanish Governor at
Natchez, dated July 5th, 1792, in which he says:

"Wilkinson was recommended by Don Estevan Miro for a pension and
other help, the resolution was delayed so long because of the distance that
separated us from that court that in the meanwhUe he lost his credit in
Kentucky for lack of means to maintain it. However, his majesty's ap-
proval of the pension that bad been proposed to him having arrived at the
beginning of this year (1792) it was communicated to Wilkinson by mes-
senger. His answer just arrived a few days ago, but I am ignorant of its
contents, as I sent it imder seal to Baron de Carondelet, the Governor of
the province."

No copy of the alleged reply of Wilkinson to Governor Caron-
delet has ever been produced. If favorable to this pension why was
a copy thereof not forwarded to the Spanish archives? On his trial
before the courtmartial Wilkinson produced a carefully detailed
statement from the Spaniish Treasurer, Gilberto Leonard, of his last

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transactions with the Spanish authorities. The payments to him on
this statement were for the loss of the "SpeedweU," a boat and cargo
sent up the river for Miro's account, and later Wlas for the tobacco
and began on June 2nd, 1790, more than two years before the date of
the alleged pension approval, and up to January 4th, 1796 totaled
$27,900, or over treble the amoimt of the alleged pendon from the
time of its allowance. Wilkinscm supported by ample evidence
the facts; that these different payments were made for condemned
tobacco and for this vessel and cargo, formerly lost for Miro's account;
he showed, as all historians agree, that the lower Ohio was at the time
infested with white bandits and thieving Indians and that his pre-
vious agent, Owens, had been robbed and murdered while bringing
him $6,000.00; he showed the safety of this money had been insured,
and how a subquent messenger, Jose Collins, has spent most of the
insurance money, before he delivered the small balance to him, and
this by the sworn testimony of Collins himself. Collins further
testifiad that the money formerly sent by Owens was due to Wilkin-
son for tobacco, and it is clear that men do not insure the delivery
of bribes. The $9,640 Wilkinson's agent Nolan, had sent by Thomas
Powers from New Madrid to be delivered to Nolan at Louisiville in
1796, was in silver specie, which was packed at New Madrid in sugar
barrels so as to save both it, and the bearer frx)m the previous fate of
Owens, and to this evidence Wilkinson added the testimony of
Gilberto Leonard, the Spanish Treasurer, then residing at Baton
Rouge, the only remaining Spanish official in Louisiana, that all
moneys paid Wilkinson by the Spanish authorities were on account
of his conunerdal transactions, and there was still up to the period
Wilkinson re-entered the service of the United States, "a very oki-
siderable balance in favor of the General."

Much larger sums than that due Wilkinson were later defaulted
on by the crown of Spain. The former Intendant Morales, gave as
an excuse for remaining in New Orleans for over two years after its
cession to the United States, that he was expecting four hundred
thousand dollars from Spain to pay debts due parties in New Orleans.
(4th Gayarre 130).

In Martm's History of Louisiana, pp. 306 and 307, the Spanish

official receipts and expenditures of 1802 are given. The statement

attested by Gilberto Leonard, Treasurer, Manuel Almirez, Secretary,

shows:

•The Royal Chests owe, $255,518 to the fund of deposits, $48,372 and 31
cents to that of tobacco, (p. 306). On page 307, as explanatory of the
foregoing, *Junds of deposits" the deposits constituting a part of this
fund, proceed from property in dispute to which the King has a claim, and

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General James Wilkinson 97

the amount is deposited until the claim is decided. The sum due to the
fund for tobacco is a balance which remained of that particular fund after
the King's purchases were completed."

The crown bought Wilkinson's tobacco. In 1790 there was a
dispute about the soundness of this tobacco. The amount therefore
would have in due course been placed in the fund of deposits, to which
the crown owed by 1802 over a quarter of a million dollars.

France too, owed our citizens some twenty million francs in
1803, which debts were assumed by the United States as part of the
purchase price of Louisiana. I do not know how much of this was
ever paid as the United States appears to have inclined to Falstaff 's
favorite motto '*base is the slave that pays," and is still holding on to
millions of dollars of money from cotton, as wrongfully seized in New
Orleans, 1863, as Wilkinson's tobacco was in 1790.

Miro, in one of his letters to Spain, laid great stress on the
bogus attack that Wilkinson had caused to be made on a British
emissary in Kentucky, and then how Wilkinson had hustled this
emissary out of the coimtry, ostensibly to save his life. If may
have later dawned on Miro that Wilkinson's efforts as a humorist
were not confined to England alone.

Fortier, Vol. 2, p. 486, says, the population of the colony of
Louisiana, when Spain took possession in 1769, was about 14,000,
the annual revenues were over $19,000, and the expenses $10,000 a
year, or about 70 cents per capita. Under the Spanish domination,
this population had increased in 1803 to 50,000, the income was
$120,000 and the expenditures of the previous year (1802) $800,000,
or sixteen dollars per capita, and Gayarre admits that the Spanish
Governors of Louisiana cost their mother coimtry a clear loss of
Fifteen Millions of Dollars. I mention this to show that Louisiana
produced nothing like enough for her own governmental alimony
and whenever the pay rolls were to be swelled by claims for pensions,
the money had to be sent from Spain.

It is therefore clear on the face of the papers that Wilkinson
did not receive a pension or bribe from Miro, who left Louisiana for
Spain in 1791. If Miro did write Spain for a pension for Wilkinson,
it was not authorized by Wilkinson, and on the evidence, to be here-
after referred to, it woiild seem reasonably certain that the amoimts
paid him were for tobacco purchased but not paid for by the Miro
administration and for the purchase of which, in 1790, Miro was cri-
ticised by his home government. (See 3 Gayarre, p. 308).

A reasonable explanation of Miro's request for a pension for
Wilkinson, if he made such application to the King of Spain, has

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been overlooked by Gayarre and other writers, who haye been eager
to condemn Wilkinson at every opportunity. The word "pension" in
either French or Spanish has not the same meaning that the English
word pension has.

A world wide authority, B, Larousse, "Dictionaire Universelle,"
Vol. 12, letter p.— Verbo "Pension" says, this word comes from the
Latin word "Pensio."

"Before 1790 the word "Pension" applied indistinctly to all the bene-
fits distributed by the sovereign, and confounded under that name the
modest recompense cf the obscure officer and the richest establishment of
princes."

Therefore the word cited in both French and Spanish meant,
before 1790, a recompense for personal service. The sense of the
word was changed after the French revolutions.

Now, all histories agree that Gardaquoin 1786 did all he could
to obtain American settlers for upper Louisiana, and that New Madrid
was largely composed of these settlers. Miro was trying to do the
same by West Florida and Louisiana in 1787. When Wilkinson
took his tobacco down to New Orleans, the latter admits he agreed
to become, imder certain conditions, to be approved by the court
of Spain, the immigration agent for Govemw Miro. There was
nothing wrong about this. Spain was at peace with this cotmtry
and there are today many inmiigration agents in the United States
whose official duty it is to secure desirable immigrants from foreign
countries.

Wilkinson states at some length in his Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 112,
this conditional agreement with Miro, as to bringing these fam^Ues
to Louisiana, and states specifically it was to be for his personal
emolimient. On his visit in 1789, he says:

**I was then informed by Governor Miro that the opening .of the Mis-
sissippi to the western inhabitants bad been approved and the permission
for the settlement had been granted, but he informed mc he had received
no advice for our plan of colonization and the tobacco speculation.*'

Historians of the life of Boone, who from 1795 to 1804 was a
Spanish subject, say that the object of the Spaniards, in endorsing
American inmiigration, was to interpose between themselves and the
British on the North a people, who like themselves, had recently
been at war with England.

Wilkinson, in his Memoirs, declares, that he realized that,
under whatever allegiance or guise American settlers came to settle
West Florida, the safest and surest way to make that coimtry Ameri-
can was to make the majority of its residents American. That in

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General James Wilkinson 99

proposing to do this; in his endeavcM^ to obtain the fr6e navigation
of the Mississippi river, and to put through the then apparently
impossible task of securing the admission of Kentucky as one of the
States of the Federation, Wilkinson used duplicity and guile both
with the Spaniards and the leaders of the Northern and Eastern
States of the Union, I do not deny. I do, however, deny that the
language used in the retranslation of his alleged letters is correct.
Miro admits, in his letters on file in the Louisiana Historical Society,
that he knew little English and though Navarro was his superior in
that respect, the translation of an English cipher letter into Spanish
was necessarily a difficult task for either of them.

In doing this they have adopted the obsequious tone that was
usually used by them in addressing their master in Spain, for in-
stance, the American word "subject" is always translated as "vassal."
the American Congress as "Americano Corte," the American Court,
and such other liberal use of words.

I must however insist that not one of the alleged original letters
of Wilkinson have ever been produced, and no court in any civilized
country would admit these alleged retranslations of former alleged
translations against Wilkinson living and they certainly should not
be admitted against him now that he is dead, unless the dastardly
pleas prevail that what is not admissable against the living can be
safely used to defame the dead.

Miro certainly did not expect Wilkinson to serve as immigra-
tion agent without pay, and no doubt the pension he applied for,
if he did apply for one, was a salary to be paid Wilkinson for such
service.

In 1790 Miro wrote Wilkinson "you are our agent and I am ordered
to give you hopes that the King will recompense you as I have already
intimated."

It would therefore seem that the word pension then meant as
Larousse says, a recompense for personal service.

I cannot otherwise reconcile Howard's statement, in his "Pur-
chase of Louisiana," page 61, "That Miro spent in 1786 three him-
dred thousand dollars in inflaming the Indians against the Americans,"
with Gayarre's asserted fact, that Miro attempted the year later, to
control the leader of the men he most feared, by a recommendation,
that at some future date, the King of Spain would pay him a paltry
two thousand dollars a year.

This does not sound reasonable. The explanation J offer seems
logical, that this pay was to be for immigration services, which plan
was abandoned in 1791. It is a coincidence that Wilkinson was ap-

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100 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

pointed as Colonel in the army in December, 1791, the same month
that Miro left Louisiana never to return.

While Gayarre, raised by a grand-father, De Bore, who was so
anti-American that he refused the first commission that Madison
ever issued to a legislative coimcil in Louisiana, denoimced Wilkin-
son as a bribe taker, he claims that the alleged bribe giver, Governor
Miro, was about as pure and honest as the angels around the throne.
I propose hereafter to show that the Spanish rulers in Louisiana and
other American colonies from the earliest times to the time they were
driven from their last western possession, Cuba, exhibited a long
record of financial infamy and rottenness, and that no fair man would
convict anyone on their ex parte and sworn, much less, their unsworn
statements.

Could the servants be expected to be better than the master?

Spain ruled by the infamous Godoy from 1792 to 1808, was,

during that time, reeking with rottenness. Harrison's History of

Spain says, p. 609:

"There was only despotic power, unmitigated liceme. a throng oi hate-
ful lickspittles and the depraved spectacle of an obscene queen and her
lovfr." ********** The vicious and despotic administration of
Godoy crowned the anarchy of the Indies and Sierras, •♦***»*•*•
leaving a debt of over 1,200 millions of reals. ********** The
deficit in one year amounted to 800 millions of reals, (p. 614).

"The six years between 1802 and 1808 were years of infamy, of pro-
found criminality on the pait of the Prince of Peace (Godoy), perpetuially
coquetting with Napoleon and dreaming of an independent sovereignty
in Portugal, and of shameless squabbles in the Royal family. The mere
mention of an honest meeting oi expenses created a paroxysm oj disgust, terror
and indignation in the palace.' (p. 620).

"The immorality of the governing authorities gave an infinity of de-
tails to the general misery." (p. 621).

"Godoy is reputed to have stolen two thousand millions and Napoleon
tried in 1808 to execute him and forever banish the imbecile King Carlos
IV and his termagant queen to private life." (p. 631).

««4i«***i|t**

"In 1808 as for finances there tvere none. The state debt at that time
amoimted to more tlian seven millions of reals, but one-third of which was
due to earlier governments. And the Castiles had lost one-third of their
population by epidemics and famines." (p. 635.)

Bancroft's History of Mexico. Vol. XH, p. 5, speaking of the
decadence of Spain, says:

"Godoy, a young officer, the queens favorite, impudent, incompetent,
ambitious, thoroughly immoral, sycophant or conspirator according to the
tide, but always villain."

"Spain imder these baneful influences sinks lower than ever. *****
There is in circulation one billion nine hundred and eighty million dollars
paper money in 1799, at 40 per cent discount. Religion is everywhere
present as the handmaid of vice." Bancroft 6.

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J

GieneTal Jafnes Wilkihson 101

. Mr. Gay aire in his panegyric on Spanish honor, failed to re-
member the Spanish Knights who in order to make native Americans
produce their hidden treasures, sprayed their feet with burning oil,
and even at the time that Gayarre wrote of, Robinson's Memoirs
of the Mexican Revolution, Vol. 1, p. 11, says:

''During the famous, oi rather infamous administration of Godoy, sacri-
legiously called the Prince of Peace, every office in America, from that of Vice-
Roy down to a menial dependent in the customhouse was publicly sold; except
in a few instances, in which they were bestowed on the servants of the
Prince, as a premium for their intrigues, or, as it was styled to reward
their fidelity to his royal master or royaJ mistress. ****♦♦**)*♦
Under men like these were the lives and property of Spanish Americans
placed. Out of one himdred and sixty -vice-roys who have ruled in America
only four were Creole bom and even those four were brought up from their
infancy in Spain."

'The commerce of the colonies felt the fatal influence of ^)anish des-
potism. The acts, exactions and injustice of those avaricious monopolists
would scarcely be believed by the civilized world. Our limits will not per-
mit us to detail them; but we may observe that extortion was the leading
feature of that disgraceful commerce, pp. 13-14.

I wish to call special attention to the enmity and bitterness
that attended the various transfers of Louisiana. Louisiana was
ceded from France to Spain by the treaty of.Fontainebleau on Nov-
ember 3rd, 1762. Governor Ulloa from Havana was only sent to
take possession of it for Spain on March 5th, 1766. When he came he
remained for months at the Belize, nearly 100 miles below New Or-
leans, where he raised the Spanish flag, and Judge Martin says for
•'nearly two years Ulloa haimted the province as a phantom of
dubious authority." On October 31st, 1768, Ulloa was forced to
leave.

On July 23rd, 1769, O'Reilly arrived at the Belize wtih 3000
Spanish troops. Concealing under the cloak of hospitality the dag-
ger of the assassin, the latter slaughtered the leaders of the Creoles,
the first Ameiicans on the Western continent to proclaim their in-
dependence of Europe.

Judge Martin says of this tragedy, "Posterity the judge of men
in power, will doom this act to public execration.'*

Though Louisiana was retroceded to France by the treaty of
St. Ildefonso on October 1st, 1800, the Prefect Laussat, only came
to New Orleans on March 26tb, 1803, and lingeied here afraid to
even attempt to take possession for France, imtil November 30th,
1803. But when December 20th, 1803, twenty days later, arrived,
and it came to be the turn of the United States to take possession,
both Claiborne and Wilkinson acted promptly, and the actual trans-
fer took place at the hour and minute fixed. Spain was then pro-

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102 The Louisiana HisUnical Quarterly

Xj^tmg that Napoleon had no right to sell Louisiana, and the Creoles
still hoped that their dream of being governed again by La Belle
France would be realized, and consequently the feeling towards the
representatives of the Saxon power was anything but kindly.

Gayarre, half Spaniard and half French, was bom and grew to
manhood imder ancestors imbued with these prejudices and probably
is not to blame for feeling as he did.

In his History of Louisiana he is very imjust to Wilkinson. It

will be remembered that Wilkinscm on his first visit to New Orleans

in 1787 prepared a memorial to the Spanish crown at the request of

Miro and Navarro, which memorial Miro forwarded to Spain,* ♦ ♦ *

But Gayarre says, (3rd Volume 202).

"So much for Wilkinson's ostensible doings, but it leaked out at the
time and passed current among those who pretended to be well informed,
that Wilkinson had delivered to the Spanish Governor a memorial contain-
ing other representations which were kept from the public eye."

*They say" or *'it is said" might do for a gossip's tale, but no
historian should resort to such hearsay as 'It passed current slmong
those who pretended to know," particularly where the writer could
not have known those who so pretended and he does not cite his
authority for such pretence.

In Gayarre's own history (3 Volume 228) is quoted an alleged
letter of Wilkinson to Miro in which he states, that at the Danville
Convention, held in Kentucky in 1788, **I submitted them my
original memorial and the joint answer of yourself and Navarro."

It would therefore seem that Gayarre's statement as to there
being two memorials was a draft on his imagination.

This memorial of Wilkinson is set forth in Miro's Despatch #13
and as outlined there is an able paper.

It showed that Wilkinson had a greater grasp on the future

destiny of the Mississippi Valley /than any man of his time. I cite

one passage from this memorial, written at a time when Washington

was preparing to laboriously dig a canal, by hand, to connect the

Potomac with the Ohio, and seventeen years before, even Jeflferson,

awoke to the truth of what Wilkinson then portrayed.

"When we cast our eyes on the country east of the Mississippi we
find it cf vast expansion, varied in its climate; of excellent lands, the best
in the new world; aboimding in the most useful mines, minerals and metals.
On making this examination the question naturally arises; For what
piupose did the Father of the Universe create this country? Surely for the
good of his creatures since he has made nothing in vain. Does it not there-
for- , strike the most limited- intellect that he who closes the only gate by
which the inhabitants of this extensive region may approach their neigh-
bors in pursuit of useful intercourse, opposes this benevolent design? Is not
the Mississippi this gatel The privation of its use takes away from us
Americans what nature seems to have provided for their indispensable
convenience and happiness."

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General James Wilkinson 108

However indiscreet, unpatriotic or censurable from a strictly
American standpoint some of the expressions in Wilkinson's alleged
letters may seem to be, would an3rthing short of very strong assur-
ances or invitations from Wilkinson have been sufficient to induce
Spain to pay such active court to the people of Kentucky as would
have caused the Northern States to at last come to the conclusion
that it were better to take Kentucky as an imwelcomed sister than to
see her elope as the bride of Spain.

It will be noted that as soon as the admission of Kentucky as
a State was assured, Wilkinson and Miro grew cool to each other,
and that Wilkinson's tobacco was seized or as Gayoso said in his
letter of July j5th, 1792, Wilkinson 'lost his credit in Kentucky for
lack of means to maintain it, "The extra five year's pay that Wilkin-
son had received as a veteran officer of the Revolution was then all
gone and Wilkinson was then a ruined man willing, nay glad, to ac-
cept the service and pay as a Colonel of Volimteers of the Indian
Fighters of Kentucky.

Daniel Boone was the pioneer of Kentucky but Wilkinson was
undoubtedly the pioneer of American trade on the Mississippi
River.

To show how petty was the spite manifested against Wilkin-
son, Gayarre says Governor Gayoso died of a malignant fever on
July 18, 1799. This probably was from the yellow fever which was then
epidemic in New Orleans. Gayarre then proceeds to claim that
Gayoso's death was due to a convivial celebration with Wilkinson.

Of course, it was a heinous oflfense in Gayarre's view for a Ken-
tucky veteran to stand a celebration that killed off a Spanish Grandee,
but it is the first time I ever heard of a malignant fever resulting
from a convivial celebration.

That Gayarre was not capable of forming correct judgments,
in even trivial affairs is shown by an incident in his own life. While
living in Baton Rouge he sent his carriage to a blacksmith at Baton
Rouge, the capital, lo be repaired. These repairs cost and were
worth two dollars. Because the blacksmith required payment be-
fore delivery of the carriage, Gayarre's Spanish pride was so out-
raged that he sued the blacksmith for the carriage and for one thous-
and dollars damages. The case was carried finally to the Supreme
Court of Louisiana where, of course, Gayarre lost. (See decisions
Supreme Court of Louisiana.) Tunnard vs. Gayarre, 9 Annual
p. 254.

The claim that Wilkinson, while sojourning in Louisiana, took
an oath of allegiance to Spain, if true, is of no significance. Under

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104 The Louisiana Historical Qiwrterly

instructions from the King of Spain, Miro after 1785, enforced the
laws against strangers rigidly, and no one was aUowed to trade in,
or remam in the Louisiana colony without taking such an oath.
Nor was it improper that one living under the protection of a govern-
ment, should swear allegiance to that government while in its terri-
tory. During the late Civil war, oaths of allegiance were freely
taken within Northern and Southern lines, though even the children
of the affiants were fighting on the opposite side. If one can take an
oath of allegiance to those at war with one's coimtry, through stress
of residence, surely Wilkinson had the right, for the protection of his
person and property, to take an oath of allegiance while in Louisiana
to a coimtry that had aided the colonies in their war for independence
and with which his coimtry was then at peace. Daniel Boone, the
patron Saint of Kentuckians, while Wilkinson was fighting the sav-
ages in defense of Kentuckians was safely away with his two sons in a
Spanish province, commandant of the Femme Osage District of
Spain. No Spanish land was ever given to Wilkinson, but Boone was
given 10,000 arpents choice Spanish land, and in this grant he was
dispensed, from what Spain sJways required to perfect a grant, its
settlement and cultivation. After the cession of Louisiana the
American Commissioners refused to confirm this grant because it
had not been ratified by Governor Carondelet, or settled and cul-
tivated, and on appeal to Congress that body on February 10th,
1814, expressly granted to Boone, a Spanish subject from 1795 until
1804, "1,000 arpents of land."

One of the strongest proofs of the integrity of Wilkinson, is to be
found in the fact that the eight volumes of the American State papers
which contain all the Spanish land grants, and include hundreds of
such grants to American settlers, do not show one grant in Wilkin-
son's favor. One of his historical calumniators says, Wilkinson
wished in 1796 to get a tract of land that Gayoso had, for the balance
due him on his pension. To show how vile and baseless such a charge
is, the Spanish Governors had a right up to 1798 to make gratuitous
land grants, and if Wilkinson was such a prime favorite with both
Miro and Gayoso and was a subject of Spain he could have gotten
an empire of land for the asking. Daniel Clark got over 100,000
arpents of Spanish land, much of it now in the Parish and City of
New Orleans, which was worth, years ago, millions of dollars, not
including tracts which the American Land Commissioners refused to
confirm title to, declaring he had, through parties interposed, tried
to enter same firaudulently.

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General James Wilkinson 105

Wilkinson never got enough land from the Spaniards to serve
him for his grave.

One entry in those volumes of American State Papers, Vol. 5,
pp. 498-9, shows, that Gepeiral James Wilkinson bought on May
12th, 1806, from Moreau, the original grantee of Governor Galvez,
Dauphin Jsland at the mouth of the Mobile Bay. The American
Commissioners, on the application of Wilkinson's heirs, refused to
confirm Wilkinson's title stating, "Wilkinson was not allowed to
hold lands imder Spain, not being a Spanish subject.*'

That one entry is eloquent of how much of a Spanish subject
Wilkinson really was.

How wonderful moreover that a man charged, from Washing-
ton's time, with conspiracies with Spain, should have been selected
by the fathers of our republic to lead every hostile movement of American
troops against Spain down to 1812, and should have succeeded in
every such trust.

Collins' History of Kentucky, p. 273, states, that in a campaign
against the Indians north of the Ohio, a regular army imder G^eral
Harmar was defeated in 1790 with dreadful slaughter, over halt of
the troops being killed. General St. Clair of the regular United States
army was thereupon appointed to command and volimteers were
called for. The Kentuckians had no confidence in the regular
army and its oflBcers as they did not consider they knew how to fight
the Indians.

Arthur and Carpenter's History of Kentucky, states that while
these troops were being organized an expedition was gotteh up by a
local war board in Kentucky composed of Scott, Shelby, Logan and
Brown, 800 mounted men were called for and responded in Jime, 1791.

"Wilkinson though holding no commission from the State enlisted for
the expedition. He was chosen second in command imder General Scott,
assuming the title of Colonel, and soon rendered himself conspicuous by his
activity, attention and address."

This campaign succeeded, and the same authority says. "After these
acts of retaliation on the Indians the Volunteers returned home pleased
with their new commander and highly delighted with the conduct of Wil-
kinson."

Indian depredations continuing in the Southern and Northern
parts of Kentucky, Wilkinson published a call in July, 1791, for
500 mounted volimteers to. proceed against the Indians. With-
Wilkinson, as their commanding officer, this little army marched in
to the Indian coimtry in Augxist, 1791, and destroyed the village of
L'Anguille, killed some warriors and returned without losing a man.

Washington deemed these campaigns of Scott and Wilkinson

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106 The Lomsuma Historical Quarterly

so successful and important that he sent a q)ecial message to Con-
gress on that subject on October 27th, 1791.

General St. Clair having raised and eqmjpped his army in 1791
began a campaign against the savages, his army was shortly after-
wards cut to pieces and Scott and Wilkinson raised a volimteer
force, and were about to go to his rescue, when he reappeared.

In December, 1791, Wilkinson was appointed a colonel in the
regular army by President Washington, and took command of Fort
Washington.

At that time Kentucky had not as yet been admitted as a State.
Washington acted advisedly as Butler says, pp. 182, 183.

"On the election of Washington, in 1789, Col. Thomas Marshall, senior,
wrote General Washington an account of matters in Kentucky as to intrigue
and defection, specially complaining of Wilkinson. Evidently Marshall
withdrew his statement later as General Washington wrote him on Septem-
ber 11th, 1790," in a manner that showed that suc^h was the case, and in
1791 appointed Wilkinson."

The following extracts of official letters of President Washington
to Wilkinson through his secretary of War, Mr. Knox, shows he
placed great confidence in Wilkinson.

War Department, April 3. 1792.
"The expedition to the field of action, is an honorable evidencr of your
military zeal, and I am happy you returned safely. ****^***»»
I cannot close this letter sir, without expressing to you, the entire satisfac-
tion of the President of the United States, of the vigilance and discretion.
you appear tc have exercised since your command; and I flattei rryseif
your judgment and talents will meet with all the approbation to 'v'hich
they will be entitled."

On April 21st, 1792, the same official wrote:

*'It is with pleasure, I transmit to you the notification of an appomt-
ment of Brigadier General, and I sincerely hope the other gentlemen ap-
pointed tc act with you, as well as the commanding General will be perfect-
ly agreeable tc you."

Again on April 27th, 1792, the same officer writes:

**I confess I shall feel anxious about your return from the establish-
ment of Fort St. Clair, which will be an operation somewhat critical. How-
ever, the confidence I have in your intelligence and activity assures me you
will avoid all unnecessary^ hazard."

Again on May 13th, the same officer wrote:

"1 have the honor to enclose your commission as Brigadier General.
I have not heard of your return from establishing Fort St. Clair, and there-
fore some anxiety is entertained on that subject. But the confidence in
your discretion is no small relief on the occasion."

"Major-General Wayne is still here but will shortly set out, as wdl
Mr. O'Hara, the quartermaster-general." General Wayne joined General
Wilkinson socn after this.

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General fames Wilkinson 107

It would make this psjper too long to review Wilkinson's career
through the successM campaign prosecuted up to and including
1794, by General Wayne against the Indians, But a niunber of
historians agree that he Viewed ability and bravery there. McElvoy 's
History of Kentucky (pp. 180» 181) says:

"In stgnallin^ oiit the heroes of the battle of Fallen Timbers, as History
has called it, Wayne in his official report, gives the first place tc Brigadier
General Wilkinson, whose brave example inspired the troops."

Wilkinson served under Wayne until the latter's death, Decem-
ber 15th, 1796. In 1795 Wayne, hearing that one Jos. Collins had
brought certain money from New Orlezns to Wilkinson, which money
was, as Collins subsequently testified, due Wilkinson for tobacco sold
Governor Miro, he without making any charges, directly against
Wilkinsonj instituted certain researches which offended Wilkinson
so much that the latter wrote President Washington on February
6th, 1796, and had his letter delivered in person by Major Gushing.
I have the original copy of this letter made and signed by Wilkinson.
An enclosure in this letter also by Wilkinson stated among other
things,

"That my conduct during the campaign of 1794, was too conspicuous
to be equivocal, too ardent to be insincere, and that nothing could be more
grateful to my feelings than the most rigorous investigation of it."

Washington paid no attention to these charges, Wilkinson,
however repeatedly requested an investigation. This is shown by
an excerpt from Wilkinson's letter to President Adams, December
26th, 1797, as follows:

"The death of General Wayne silenced an investigation which I had
much at heart, because it would have unfolded scenes and circumstances
illustrative of my utility, my integrity and my wrongs, which now can
never reach the public eye. So soon as his death was announced in Phila-
delphia I waited on the Secretary of War and held a conversation with him
precisely to the following effect. Prosecution is in the grave with General
Wayne, but the door is still open to investigate, and I most sincer-elv wish
an mquiry into my conduct military and political; indeed the vindicicion
of my aspersed reputation has directed the obstinate perseverance with
which I have pursued this subject. I know, sir, that a sinister come^aon
with Spain is slanderously imputed to me, *****♦***♦ but con-
scious of my innocence I court inquiry to obtain an opportunity of vindi-
cation, which I have amply in my power. To this Secretary McHenry
said he did not know that such things were being said or insinuated, but if
they were I must be conscious from the President's conduct to me, that
they made no impression on his breast, and added: *I advise you as a
friend to give yourself no more trouble about it.' I followed the advice given
me in the hope that the prejudice and animosities of my enemies might
subside, but I find I have been deceived, that calumnies are still circulated
to wound my fame and impair the public confidence."

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108 The Louisiana Historical ^tuarterly

To this letter President Adams replied:

Philadelphia. February 4th, 1798.
"I have received your favors. U is very txiie that I baVe tortured for
a. great part pf the year past with written, anonymous insinuation^ against
several persons in conspicuous, public stations that they have formed
improper connection with Spain; and among others against yourself. It
has been frec^uently asserted that you held a commission and received pay
as a colonel m the Spanish service. This opinion appe^s to have taken
root among the people on the Mississippi that scarcely any man arrives
from that neighborhood, who does not bring the report along with him.
They seem to be in such a temper in that neighborhood that nwody escapes
accusation. ***♦*♦**** Por yourself, sir, I esteem your talents,
I respect your services, and feel an attachment for your persons, as I do
to every man whose name and character I have so long known in the service
of our country, whose behavior has been consistent. We may be nearer
than we suapect to another trial of spirits. I doubt not yours wll be found
faithful, miat measures you may think fit to take to silence the villainous
rumors of your connection with Spain or France I know not; but no violent
ones or military ones will do any good. I shall give no countenance to any
imputations unless accusations should come, and then you will have room
to justify yourself. But I assure you that I do not expect that any charge
will be seriously made. I am sir, your most obedient servant.

JOHN ADAMS.

On Wilkinson's subsequent trial, President Adams, testified to
the above facts, and there, produced a personal letter to him from
Alexander Hamilton, recommending Wilkinson's promotion as Major-
General, and as Wilkinson is pilloried as a former friend of Burr, let
us see what Burr's political enemy, the statesman that Burr killed,
thought of him.

New YcM-k, 7th, 1799.
"5fr: General Wilkinson, who has been swne weeks in this dty, in
consequence of having for object the readjustment of our military affairs,
is about to make a journey to pay his respects to you. On such an occasion,
I hope it will not be. thought improper that I should address you on the
subject of this officer, since what I shall say will accord with what / know
to he the views of General Washington, and with what I have reasons to be-
lieve has been suggested to you with his support by the Secretary of War.
You are appraised, sir, that General Wilkinson served with distinction in
our revolutionary war and acquired in it the rank of Brigadier General;
that for many years since that war he has been in the military service of the
government, with the same rank, in which rank he, for some time, had the
chief command of the army. That he has served with distinction in the
latter period as General Wayne, who was not his friend, has in one instance
very amply testified. The decided impressk)n on my mind, as a result of all
I have heard, or known of this ofl&cer, is, that he is eminently qualified as
to talents, is brave, enterprising, active and diligent, warmly animated by
the spirit of his profession and devoted to it ********** I, as
well as others, have heard things said of the General, but I have never seen
the shadow of proof; and I have been myself too much the victim of obloquy,
to listen to detraction imsupported by facts."

Mediocrity, intemperance, constant plotting and intrigue,
have all been laid at Wilkinson's door. Washington declared during
his second term that he was himself then worse denoimced, than if he
had been a Nero. Jefferson was repeatedly charged with political

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General James . Wilkinson 109

treaqhery and even with attempting the judicial assassination of Burr.
It was an age of suspicion, invective and abuse. Such charges
against Wilkinson were untrue unless Washington, Adams and
Jefferson, to whom the former owed his elevation, were alike incom-
peteiit to judge of Wilkinson's ability, habits and integrity.

True it is that Marshall, of Kentucky, Wilkinson's former
political opponent, said, that Washington promoted Wilkinson to so
high a military command to keep him out of mischief. Yet, I cannot
imagine of how any one could suppose that that great, proud and
austere first President would so debase his high office, as to entrust
almost Supreme military power in the West to a man whom he deemed
not only an incapable officer, but capable of treachery to his coimtry.

Wilkinson in 1795, was stationed at Cincinnati and the cities
of the Ohio.

The most serious charge affecting the reputation of Wilkinson
is, that of having received a bribe, or bribes, from Governor Caronde-
let of Louisiana, in 1797, subsequent to the former's appointment as
commander-in-chief of the army.

The evidence, as to this, on which Gayarre and subsequent
historians rely, is the testimony of an English Spaniard, Thomas
Powers, who testified before the Court Martial that tried Wilkinson
in 1811, that he had brought $9,640 to Wilkinson from New Madrid
to Cincinnati, (in the simmier of 1796, sent as pension money by
Governor Carondelet from New Orleans. Gayarre states the amount
brought by Powers, to have been the round stun of ten thousand
dollars, but I suppose we should be duly grateful that the exaggeration
was so small. Gayarre further states this amount was sent to Wil-
kinson because he was then a Major-General of the United States
and as sudi Commander-in-Chief, had the piower to aid the Spaniards
(III Gayarre p. 364.)

General Wayne, Wilkinson's superior officer, died on Decem-
ber 15th, 1796, at Presque Isle, and the latter was not in Supreme
Command imtil the early part of 1797. Wilkinson showed by the
accoimt exhibited and evidence adduced by him at his trial in 1811,
that $6,(XX) on accoimt of the money due him on the former seizure
of his tobacco had been forwarded to him in 1794 from New Orleans,
but that his messenger, Owens, bringing that amoimt had been robbed
and murdered; that in 1796, $9,640 was sent on similar account to
him at New Madrid, where it was received by his Agent, Philip
Nolan, which still left $2,095 due him on his tobacco; that Nolan
employed Powers then at New Madrid to bring this money by water
to Louisviille while Nolan proceeded overland to that place with a

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drove of horses he was then selling; that the specie was packed in
sugar barrels to protect it from the Indians and other bandits that
infected the lower Ohio as well as to save it from the rapacity of the
crew of the boat. Wilkinson admitted that Powers brought this
money to LouisivUe and was paid for his services in 1796. To the
critics of such crude methods of protecting or caring for money, I
answer, that we had then no iron safes, time locks, or postal guards,
that are so common now-a-days.

Gayarre, 3rd Voliune 384, states that Powers and Sebastian
sailed from New Orleans to see Don Gardaquo at Philadelphia in
the spring of 1796. Powers testified that he and Sebastian arrived
at Philadelphia after 19 days passage. From Philadelphia they
went across by stage to Cincinnati, reaching Cincinnati, on May
18th, 1796.

{See appendix 46 Wilkinson Memoirs, 2nd Volume).

The evidence of all the witnesses is, that Powers went down
afterwards from Cincinnati to New Madrid and brought the $6,640
from New Madrid back to Louisiville, and the evidence adduced by
Wilkinson showed the money was delivered to Powers by his agent
Philip Nolan at New Madrid and was delievered by Powers again to
Philip Nolan at Louisville in September, 1796. After Elisha Evans
saw the money at New Madrid in 1796, he went up the Ohio and
stat^ed he met Powers coming down the Ohio; Powers testified, "that
after delivering the money to Nolan at Louisville in pursuance of my
directions, Nolan conveyed the barrels of sugar and coffee, in which
the dollars were packed, to Frankfurt where he, the deponent.
Powers saw them opened in the store of Mr. Montgomery Brown.**
(See report of Butler Committee of Congress p. 39.)

There was no attempt at secrecy in either the receipt of or in
the forwarding of this money. If the Spaniards were forwarding by a
secret emissary ten thousand dollars as a bribe to a leading American;
the slightest publicity given to the matter would haye defeated the
very object sought and would have brought disgrace to the givers as
well as the receiver of the bribe.

In the evidence taken before Congress, in 1810, Elisha Winters
testified against Wilkinson, that the Spanish commandant at New
Madrid told him freely of the amoimt going to Wilkinson in 1796,
and showed him the chest of Spanish dollars. That he. Winters, wrote
out the full particulars of this and gave same to General Wayne and
afterwards saw his letter in the hands of Mr. McHenry, the Secretary
of War, under President Washington. (2d Memoirs appendix 35.)

On February 6th, 1796, six months before this incident, Wilkin-

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General Jam$s WiOans&H 111

son was pleading in writing with President Washington, and with
this very secretary for a seardiing inquiry of this conduct with Spain.
His explanations must have been entirely satisfactory dnce Alexan-
der Hamilton wrote that Washington before his death wished to see
Wilkinson promoted to the Chief command.

To show how sadly Gayarre got his facts jimibled up, he says (3
Vol.364) that after Powers had gone to Philidelphia in the Spring of
1796, he soon returned to Kentucky with a memcwrial from the Baron
de Carondelet, and with tempting offers.

'To back these tempting offers, and to smooth difficulties,
money had been sent up the Mississippi and the Ohio, and Powers,
who had several interviews with Wilkinson delivered to him $10,000,
which he carried up concealed in bags of sugar and coffee. Wilkin-
son had just been appointed Major General of the United States
army in the place of Wayne, who had dted recently , and Powers was
directed to avail himself of his intercourse with Wilkinson to ascer-
tain the force discipline and temper of the army imder that General,
and report thereon to Carondelet," (3 Gayarre 364).

To all of which memorial Wilkinson is alleged to have returned
an emphatic refusal to aid Spain.

Now it is hard to get more errors in a small compass than this.
Powers came to the Ohio from Gardoquo at Philadelphia in 1796,
and not from Carondelet at New Orleans. The incident as to the
money took place in 1796, as all the evidence shows, yet in order to
justify his bribe theory Gayarre kills off General Wayne months
before he died, promotes Wilkinson to the Supreme Command of the
army in 1796 instead of the actual time 1797, and either post-dates
the alleged bribe or antedates Carondelet's memorial one year so as to
combine the bribe and the Memorial.

On April 12th, 1802, Wilkinson, Hiawkins and Anderson were
appointed by President Jefferson to negotiate a treaty and lay off the
boundary between the Creek Nations and the United States in the
State of Georgia. (See Message of President Jefferson, December
13th, 1804.)

Wilkinson Memoirs (2nd Vol., p. 248), says:

"Having completed the demarcation of the Indian boundary under
extreme ill health during an inclement- season, I arrived at Fort Adams the
27th of January, 1803, and took shelter under a roof the first time in six
months."

Prior to this on October 16th, 1802, the Intendant Morales had
suspended the right of deposit at New Orleans guaranteed to the
American settlements on the river above by the treaty of 1795. The

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answer of the west to this violation of their rights was, "No power on
earth will deprive us of this right. ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦* * If Congress re-
fuses us effectual protection, if it forsakes us, we will adopt measures
that our safety requires, even if they endanger the peace of the
Union and our connection with other States, — No Protection — No
Allegiance.'' (3rd Gayarre, p. 457).

Wilkinson was at that time in the wilds of Georgia or he, no
doubt, would have been held responsible for these bold utterances
by men who 13 years later helped to save the day for American arms
at Chalmette.

Wilkinson had heard of the annubnent by Morales of the right
of deposit at New Orleans, guaranteed by the treaty of 1795, and had
sent Captain Schaimiburgh to protest against this occlusion. Fore-
seeing the certain war that this act of the Spaniards would bring on,
Wilkinson sent a secret letter to Vice-Consul Ruling which asked, from
the latter, a full report of the fcMlifications on New Orleans. His
letter to Huling and Hilling's reply are cited in his Memoirs (Vol. H,
appendix). This followed the appointment of Livingston, and subse-
quently Monroe, as commissioners to France and their successful
treaty for Louisiana. At the cession proceedings Jefferson chose
Claiborne, Governor of Mississippi, representing the Civil Power,
and Wilkinson, the highest military officer in the South, to represent
the army, to receive Louisiana at the hands of the French, thus
answering Clark and other slanderers who had been defaming Wil-
kinson to him.

One historian has said:

"To the last Wilkinson was protected and honored by Jefferson; was
thanked by the Legislature for betraying Burr; was acquitted by a packed
court of inquiry, and has left behind him, in justification of his life and deeds,
three ponderous volumes of Memoirs as false as any written by man."
(McMaster's History U. S., Vol. 3rd, p. 88).

Wilkinson attached to his Memoirs over 300 pages of authenic
evidence in appendix.

How lost to public decency a writer must be, who without the
slightest proof to sustain it, charges Jefferson with packing a court
to acquit any man and that a body of honorable officers of the revo-
lution constituting such court corruptly violated their oaths.

Roosevelt in his ''Winning of the West," indulges in many
strictures against Wilkinson. This writer, though noted as a seceder
from every person or party that has not agreed with him, has no
patience with Wilkinson's leanings towards secession.

Mr. Roosevelt has not the poise to meet the requirements of an

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General James Wilkinson 113

historian, as that which does not seem * 'bully" to him or with which
he is not ''delighted" is apt to meet his too severe condemnation.

As I do not wish to be elected a member of Mr. Roosevelt's
Ananias Club, I pass on to a discussion of the views of later writers
as to Wilkinson's record.

Prof. Shepherd in his article on Wilkinson in the 9th Volimie
American Historical Review, p. 503, says:

"Gayarre is misleading when he states (Vol. III. p. 195) that on the
occasion of Wilkinson's first visit. Miro gave Wilkinson permission to intro-
duce into Louisiana, free of duty, many western articles of trade which were
adapted to this market.' ♦♦*♦*♦***♦ 'There are several rea-
sons to believe the contrary."

"Among them may be mentioned first, aside from the proverbial cau-
tion of the Spanish officials, the fact is that the laws of the Indies prohibited
the grant of commercial privileges to foreigners without the specific approval
of the home government."

"In the second place, the Spanish Colonial officials were accustomed
to render the most minute reports of their administration, particularly if
the business belonged to the reserved or seaet class."

Prof. Shepherd also lays stress on Wilkinson*^ alleged oath of
allegiance to Spain in 1789, and the latter's memorial of 1797, all of
which have been fully discussed by me.

The latest article I have noted on Wilkinson is from the scholarly
pen of Prof. I. J. Cox, another Northern historian.

This article is printed in Vol. 19 Americar Historical Review,
p. 794, and charges Wilkinson in the Spring of 1804, to use a common
and expressive term, with having **maced'' Governors Folch and the
Marquis de Casa Calvo out of $12,000.00, for certain **refiections"
that Wilkinson wrote, and Folch translated and signed and sent in
his own name to his home govemnient. This is alleged to have
occurred shortly after the time of the transfer of Louisiana, and is
probably the weakest of the many weak attacks made on Wilkinson.
It is on its face extremely improbable. No people on earth were
ever more proud of their military knowledge and training than the
Spanish Military Officials, and no class of men, from the cruel Cortes
down, were more noted for their capacity to get and unwillingness to
give.

Prof. Cox would have us believe that Casa Calvo, a Spanish
Grandee and general, gave Wilkinson $12,000.00 for his **refl[ections"
and this without the authorization from his home government.

Miro deemed such an authorization necessary for even a pro-
posed pension of $2,000.00.

Martin's History of Louisiana, p. 323, says. After the cession
of Louisiana,

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114 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

"Considerable distress was felt from the great fx:arcity of a ciroilating
medium, silver was no longer brought from Vera Cruz by the government
and the Spaniards were not very anxious to redeem a large quantity of
liberanzas, or certificates, which they bad left afloat in the provmre and which
were greatly depreciated."

If Casa Calvo had the $100,000.00 of government money then
on hand, as Prof. Cox states, it was no doubt to pay a part of the
enormous sum of $400,000.00 that Spain then owed in Louisiana, and
the receipt of which the Intendant Morales waited for in vain when
he was expelled with Casa Calvo by Claiborne in 1806. Therefore,
it would have been necessary for Casa Calvo to have embezzled or
diverted some $12,000.00 of this money from its proper destination,
and to have given same to an officer whose recent conduct had shown
his zeal against Spain and his devotion to his own country. I do not
mean to say that Casa Calvo was too good to do such a thing, but the
Spaniards had not suffered as the Egyptians had, when their depart-
ing hosts, led by Moses, ''Spoiled the Egyptians," and I do not think
the Spaniards could have been such easy marks. The sole authority
for these statements of Prof. Cox are reports made by Governor
Folch to his home government.

When the first court of inquiry was held in 1808 at Washington
to examine into Wilkinson's conduct, the latter produced a letter
from Governor Folch and later the latter's sworn testimony, ob-
tained by Governor Claiborne, that Wilkinson was entirely innocent
of all these charges. This sworn testimony of Folch was fortified by
the testimony of Gilberto Leonard, the former Spanish treasurer,
who Claiborne in his letter to Madison of January 31st, 1804, declared
was a man of integrity. But says Prof. Cox, tWs testimony of Gov.
Folch was obtained by allowing him, in violation of Jefferson's em-
bargo, to get through New Orleans a shipment of 1500 barrels of flour
to the starving people of Pensacola. It is an elementary rule of law
that both the previous verbal and written statements of a witness
may be adduced to impeach his sworn evidence.. Here it is averred
that the witness was bribed to make and did make false sworn declara-
tions and yet Professor Cox asks us to give full faith and credit, not
to the sworn, but to the later unsworn and exparte declarations
of the same witness. Again Wilkinson was in Washington during
this time and Governor Claiborne was in full charge of the Port of
New Orleans. Any such attempts to bribe Gov. Folch must have
been made with and could not have been. carried out without Clai-
borne's knowledge, assent and connivance. Claiborne certainly
did not bribe or suborn Folch to give false testimony.

Daniel Clark before his open rupture with Wilkinson in his

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General James Wilkinson 115

letter to the latter, dated February 7th, 1807, (Wilkinson's Memoirs
Vol. 2nd, Appendix 57) speaks of this rumor, *'As to your having
received $10,000.00 when you went to take possession, I have pointed
out the utter impossibility of such a thing."

But one thing was not impossible, Casa Calvo and Folch could
have spent this money and then charged it to a source which their
own government would have been tempted to keep quiet about.

Of Casa Calvo, only a few months before, Laussat had written
to his home government, "The same Marquis de Casa Calvo, was, in
January, 1793, and during the following months in command of Fort
Dauphin at St. Domingo, and was at the head of his troops drawn
up in battle array, when the blacks led by Jean Francois massacred
seventy-seven defenseless Frenchmen, who were relying on the faith
of treaties. The Colonists of St. Domingo still speak of this fact
with feelings of horror."

In Lewis and Clark's Journal, Vol. 7, Appendix p. 379,

Capt. Meriwether Lewis, who went to St. Louis in 1804, before its
transfer from Spain, says:

"From the commencement of the Spanish Provincial government of
Louisiana, whether by permission of the crown, or originating in the pe-
cuniary rapacity of the Governor's General, this officer assumed to himself
the right of trading with all the Indian Nations in Louisiana; and therefore
proceeded to dispose of this privilege to individuals for specific sums; his
example was followed by the governors of upper Louisiana, who made a
further exaction/*

"The evil resulting from high prices for necessities of life to the Indians
caused so much trouble by the latter, that expeditions had to be set on foot
to quell them. These parties rarely accomplished anytnmg, but Lewis
adds, the soldiers on their return were made to sign receipts f'^r about four
times as much as they received, **and the balance was of course laken by the
governor"

About the same time Governor Claiborne wrote to Madison,
January 2nd, 1804, "It is a shameful fact that under the administra-
tion of Governor Salcedo many of the positions of honor and profit
within his gift were sold, and that even when exercising the sacred
character of a judge he often vended his decisions."

"After sudi an account you will not be surprised that the same
depravities pervaded the system m every dtrectton."

"The arrears in the department of justice are very great, many
of the causes are of considerable importance and some of them have
been pending upwards of twenty years. Corruption has put her seal
on them." (Robertson's Louisiana, Vol. 2, p. 23.)

Probably Casa Calvo was no better than Salcedo. The record
shows the Spanish rulers of Louisiana had just prior to that time
tried to defraud the United States out of large tracts of lands by ante-
dated grants. Spain still owed Wilkinson $2,095.00 a long overdue

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116 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

balance on his tobacco, and Casa Calvo and Folch may have followed
the example of the unfaithful steward in scripture by casting up
false accounts to their ultimate advantage.

The Marquis of Casa Calvo's mission in Louisiana was to act
as boimdary commissioner; which was to see that Spain got as much
and the United States as little as possible of the ceded territory.
To this end, the Marquis appointed on March 31st, 1804, the crafty
Don Thomas Power as one of the surveyors.

(Robertson's Louisiana Vol. 2, 174).

The same authority quotes a letter of March 31st, 1804, from
Casa Calvo to Laussat in which the former protested to Laussat
about the American claims. Robertson also quotes several letters
from Casa Calvo to the Spanish Minister, from the archives of
Madrid denouncing the American claims, which claims were of course
championed by both Wilkinson and Claiborne to the President.

Finally on January 10th, 1806, Governor Claiborne wrote Casa
Calvo stating his authority to act as boimdary commissioner, had
never been accepted by the United States and as there was no pos-
sibility of their agreement on the subject his presence here was no
longer desirable.

Not only, as I will hereafter show, was the Spanish government
then robbing with rapacious greed the people and even the churches
of Mexico, to send money to the infamous Godoy and his mercena-
ries in Spain, but Louisiana had slipped from the failing hand of that
bankrupted government, the latter owed the people of her former
colony nearly a half million dollars, and the Spanish paper currency
called Liberanzas was then circulating at a ruinous discount in New
Orleans and nothing was being done to redeem it. (Martin p. 323).

It is more than improbable that Casa Calvo had any large amount
of money at all in New Orleans in 1804. In his letters to his home
government, quoted in Robertson's Louisiana, he mentions the
employment of two surveyors, one of whom was the notorious Thomas
Power, as I have said, and this survey work did not require much
money, and none of it was ever actually done. The claim is made
that he brought this $100,000.00 from Vera Cruz in silver and that the
$12,000, it is alleged he paid Wilkinson, was in bags of this same silver,
the large part of which was invested by Wilkinson in ''a cargo of sugar''
that he took with him to Philadelphia.

Now one hundred thousand dollars of silver would have weighed
over 7,000 pounds, and $12,000.00, of silver, 1,000 pounds, or three
mule loads of silver. Gayarre states that when Casa Calvo left
Louisiana overland in 1806 it was ''suspected" he took considerable

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General James Wilkinson 117

money with him. It would have taken a caravan of at least 20
mules to have carried away $100,000.00 of silver ^nd suspicion would
hardly have been necessary concerning what would then have been a
patent fact.

I submit further that the affidavit of John McDonaugh, Jimior,
in Clark's Proofs, p. 51, is also questionable. This affidavit states
that in March, 1804, affiant bought for Wilkinson 107 hogs-
head of sugar for $8,045.35; that he, affiant, chartered the ship
Louisiana, for Wilkinson, to take this sugar to Philadelphia on which
ship the General also took passage; that Wilkinson paid for this
sugar in Mexican dollars.

In the Louisiana Gazette of that time sugar is quoted at 10 to
15 cents a pound. Allowing 1,000 pounds to each of the above
hogsheads, the entire weight would have been only 53J-tons, a very
small quantity of freight to warrant the charter of an entire ship for a
1,200 mile ocean voyage. It would therefore seem that this witness
was either lying or exaggerating. Wilkinson's pay as a General in
the army with allowances was between $3,000 and $4,000 a year
while on active service. He had been working for years on the
frontier and among the Indians in Georgia where all his expenses
had been paid, and he had there no chance to spend money. Besides
he stated that the government had allowed him extra for his survey
work which was paid to him by Mr. Taylor, the disbursing agent.
This purchase of sugar, if made at all by Wilkinson, was open and not
by a party interposed and the payment, as alleged, if made, was
entirely open. The quantity may have been exaggerated, since
McDonaugh, Junior, errs even in his date, March, 1804, for on
March, 24th, 1804, Governor Claiborne wrote Madison^ "Wilkinson
is still here, and I believe will not depart until the Spanish troops are
withdrawn and the public buildings delivered."

Clark claims that Taylor was then dead, but such payments
of disbursing officers are all of record in Washington. Clark was a
member of Congress there two years later, and his chief mission on
earth at that time was to himt up evidence against Wilkinson.

He made this special charge against Wilkinson in his *Troofs,"
but it was entirely ignored and dropped in the charges made against
Wilkinson in 1810, which latter were all based on Randolph and
Clark's attacks. Merchandise of that period was usually paid for in
New Orleans in Mexican silver. There was no other money then in
circulation in New Orleans. There were no mints in this country
south of Philadelphia. Mexican money largely circulated all over
the South and even in the East and West Indies up to the Civil War.

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There^was'always more pure silver in the Mexican sunburst than in
our own dollar.

Northern historians are singularly silent on those statesmen of
the North, who, during all this time, were willing to rend the Union
whenever their interest prompted it, and yet they twist every circum-
stance to fit their attacks on Wilkinson.

This article of Prof. Cox contains a statement as to the testi-
mony of Isaac Briggs from ''Wilkinson's Memoirs, 2nd Volume,
Appendix 59," which is grossly incorrect. Briggs there stated that
he held a conversation with Wilkinson in October, 1806, in which
Wilkinson jestingly referred to himself as **a Spanish officer on his
way to fight the Spaniards," and of how he had received $10,000.00
from them in 1804. Professor Cox states that JBriggs testified he
visited Wilkinson again in the middle of November, 1806, when the
latter's wife was at the point of death at Major Minor's house at
Natchez, and that Wilkinson assured him then, that the money he
received m 1804 at New Orleans from the Spaniards was due him for
tobacco.

In the Briggs deposition, every line of which I have examined
most carefully, no reference whatever is made to this subject on this
visit of Briggs to Wilkinson in November, and in his deposition, as
to the former interview in October, Briggs on his cross examination
expressly declared Wilkinson "spoke jocularly and* precipitately'*
(Appendix 59).

I submit it is not fair to turn what a witness expressly says was
stated to him in jest by the speaker, as an admission ot the latter's
guilt.

Wilkinson remained in New Orleans for some months after
Governor Claiborne assumed control. In 1805 Wilkinson was made
military governor of upper Louisiana, with headquarters at St.
Louis. Under orders of the War Department, dated March 13th,
1806, he was ordered to send most of his forces down the river to
Fort Adams.

On March 18th, 1806, he was notified that the Spaniards were
making a reinforcement of the post of Natchitoches necessary, and to
that end to send Col. Cudiing with several companies and artillery
there. Shortly after receiving this order Col. Cushing was sent
down with discretionary powers over his force.

On May 6th, 1806, Wilkinson received orders from the War
Department to repair himself to the Territory of Orleans, and take
command, to resist any\ encroachments by Spaniards thereon, and to
repel invasion and oppose force by force, but his specific orders were:

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General James Wilkinson 119

"It is highly probable that within a very short time, we shall receive
accounts of a satisfactory adjustment of all disputes between us and
Spain; hostilities ought, therefore, to be avoided by all reasonable
means wtthtn our power, but an actual invasion of our territory can-
not be submitted to."

Wilkinson, finding the Spaniards had encroached on Louisiana
soil, acting in obedience to his orders, arranged a conference with the
Spanish Commander, and induced him to keep his forces to the west
side of the Sabine, to await the result of later negotiations, which
were successful, thereby achieving a bloodless victory, for which he
was much complimented by President Jefferson. While engaged in
this campaign, an emissary of Burr, Samuel Swarthout, delivered a
letter from him in cipher to Wilkinson at Natchitoches, October
8th, 1806.

Some historical hyenas evoke suspicion against Wilkinson
from the use of this cipher. Wilkinson, however, proved on his trial
that he corresponded in the same cipher with Burr when he was Vice-
President, and with other army officers whom he named, and produced
such letters. Burr loved the mysterious so much that he correspond-
ed in cipher with his own daughter.

In Jefferson's writing will be found a mmiber of his letters
declaring that he refrained from writing often because the mails
were not safe and his letters were subject to espionage; That the
chief officer in the United States army should be suspected, because
he had corresponded in cipher with the man who, up to the year
previous, was Vice-President, would be to suspect every prominent
official of the present day of crime.

Even the writers who accuse Wilkinson of venality admit he
was keen and brilliant. He was then at the siunmit of military power.
The warrior Joab was not closer to David than he was to the President.
That he should throw all this away; throw away a long record of
military bravery and loyalty in which he fought from the lowest
rank to supreme command, to become second in command to a man
that Wilkinson pitied and tried to help, in vain, in 1805, second in
command too, if Burr's claims were true, on an imcertain filibuster-
ing expedition, like those later of Walker in Nicaragua and Fry in
Cuba, would certainly not show venality, but sheer insanity. The
ill informed writers who say Wilkinson first intended to attack the
Spaniards and then concluded not to attack them, and to betray
Burr, lose sight of the fact that Wilkinson in his actions towards the
Spaniards complied exactly with the orders of the President of the
United States given him beforehand; that if he had disobeyed

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120 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

these orders and, without first having held a conference had attacked
the Spaniards and caused great loss of life, he could have been court-
martialed and shot. These attacks are on a par with an attack of
another historical scavenger, who claims that jealousy prompted
Wilkinson to send Trueman and Hardin, two of his officers, under a
flag of truce in 1792, to the Indians, both of these officers being
murdered on that mission. The records show that Wilkinson was
ordered by Washington, through the War Department, dated April
3rd, 1792, to make no attack on the Indians until he had extended
the olive branch. This order further read:

"In pursuance of the design of peace Captain Trueman is by his own
request and desire employed on a mission to the hostile Indians. He will
disclose to you his instructions and the message to the said Indians of which
he is the bearer. You will advise him the most direct measures to accom-
plish his .object and aflford him every possible aid to that end."

And by letter from General Knox, Secretary of War, dated
July 17th, 1792, the appointment of Colonel Hardin, selected to go
with Trueman, was noticed and, **the terms you stipulated to Col.
Hardin shall be performed on the part of the public."

The first military, service that was performed by George Wash-
ington was on such a mission.

Even so fair and kindly an historian as the late President of this
society, Mr. Fortier, has impliedly charged Wilkinson with the
great mortality of his troops in 1809 by camping at a morass or swamp
in Terre aux Boeufs, below the city, when as District Attorney of
that District for twelve years, I know the site where Wilkinson
encamped his troops at Terre aux Boeufs is the highest land be-
tween New Orleans and the mouth of the river, over 100 miles dis-
tant, and has much better natural drainage than the city of New
Orleans, being a high ridge of land that extends from the river for 15
miles back in the interior.

The defamers of Wilkinson also failed to note the fact that
all the previous charges made against Wilkinson were that he was
strongly pro-Spanish, while, whatever doubt there was of the true
object of Burr's expedition, there was no doubt on the point that it
was to be against Mexico or some other dependency of Spain. Burr,
knowing Wilkinson loved adventure and that he had once been
active for the secession of the settlements of Kentucky, believed he
could be readily induced to act with him. Conspirators do not arrest
each other when they have been writing in cipher to each other on the
subject of conspiracies, unless, like Samson, they desire to pull down
a temple on themselves. Wilkinson, then living under a different

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General James Wilkinson 121

form of a stable government, in a territory justly belonging to the
United States, refused to act with Burr. The arrest of Burr, Burr's
second arrest after he attempted to escape, the action of the same
Judge, that fined General Jackson and Judge Workman's similar
action against Wilkinson, the forwarding of Burr for trial to Virginia
and his subsequent acquittal, are all well known. While Burr, after
his acquittal, and every witness that knew anything, were living to
testify against Wilkinson on his trial in 1811, the latter was then
acquitted by a jury of his peers of all complicity in the Burr con-
spiracy.

Even John Randolph, Wilkinson's bitter enemy and the person
who acted as foreman of the Grand Jury that indicted Burr, could not
scrape up enough evidence to indict Wilkinson of complicity with
Burr, much less to prove him guilty.

The defamers of Wilkinson all fail to note that fact, as foimd
by Wilkinson's court-martial later, that the latter could have attacked
the Spaniards at the Sabine river, thereby engaging his troops with
the enemy and thus have left the field clear for Burr's forces against
New Orleans, and this without incurring the least responsibility to
himself, if Burr had failed in his imdertaking.

The charge, that Wilkinson gave Burr suspicious letters of
introduction to General Adair and to Daniel Clark are fully ex-
plained in his Memoirs. Burr at that time desired to be elected as a
delegate to Congress from one of the territories and had made suc-
cessive suggestions in that direction as to Tennessee, Indiana and
Louisiana. These letters, seeking support for Burr, a non-resident,
left the latter to explain to the recipients of these letters his own
candidacy. Wilkinson's expression in his letter to Adair, most seized
upon, was,

''Colonel Burr understands your merits and reckons on you.
Prepare to visit me and I will tell you all.

We must have a peep at the unknown world beyond me. I
shall want a pair of strong carriage horses at about $120.00 each,
young and sound, substantial but not flashy." ♦**♦*♦♦*

St. Louis was at that time our most western city, Wilkinson's
son James was then preparing to leave with the Pike survey party
towards the Rocky Moimtains, and that no warlike expedition was
then contemplated is shown by the fact that the proposed trip was
to be by carriage. Eight months later. United States Senator Adair
wrote to Wilkinson from Washington, on January 27th, 1806, saying,

"Burr's business in the west is to avoid a prosecution in New
York ****♦♦***♦* Both the ruling parties in New York

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have made proposals to Colonel Burr offeiing to pass a law pardoning
all his past and promising to elect him Governor if he will return.
He left this a few days ago for the South and will return bcffore the
session closes. Whether he will accept their proposals I cannot
say."

Burr wrote the same month from Philadelphia to Wilkinson
on January 6th, 1806.

"We are to have no Spanish war except in ink and words. It is
imdoubtedly best, for we are in a poor condition to go to war, even
with Spain."

It is therefore only fair to suppose that Wilkinson's letter in-
troducing Burr to Adair did not refer to a warlike expedition, since
nothing appears to have been contemplated of that character be-
tween the date of the letter of introduction, May 28th, 1805, and the
letters of January, 1806, quoted above and both published at greater
length in Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. II, Appendix. That Adair
himself, attached no suspicion to this letter of Wilkinson is shown by
a quotation from '^Memoirs of Aaron Burr" by Davis, (Volume 2nd,
page 379.)

"General Adair possessed the confidence of Colonel Burr in re-
lation to his western movements m a greater degree than any other
individual y Burr was introduced to Adair by General Wilkinson.
In a letter dated March, 1807, General Adair says:

**So far as I know or believe of the intentions of Colonel Burr,
and my enemies will agree that I am not ignorant on this subject, they
were to prepare and lead an expedition into Mexico, predicated on
a war between the two governments."

General Adair said fiu-ther that Wilkinson agreed to act with
Burr in this and that the former had,

"Made a venal and shameful bargain with the Spaniards at
Sabine River."

Burr seems to have had such wonderful powers of fascination
or personal magnetism as to have hypnotized some of his followers.

How inconsistent it is for historians to condemn Wilkinson for
having given a letter of introduction to Burr, when Adair, the re-
cipient of that letter, later declares that Burr intended no wrong.
One of the most singular of the angles of the attacks on Wilkinson
was that while the friends of Burr were most bitter in assailing
Wilkinson as a factor in the Burr conspiracy, they at the same time
claimed that the leader of the conspiracy was himself perfectly
innocent.

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General James Wilkinson 123

To show what sophistry Adair resorted to, he coxild see nothing
wrong in an attack on Mexico, a country with which we were then
at peace.

His attacks on Wilkinson were unethical and absurd on their
face. As a soldier he knew that a soldier's first duty was loyal obedi-
ence to his commander, the President.

One would have supposed that a good citizen would have re-
joiced that Wilkinson had obeyed the orders of the President and
achieved an honorable and bloodless peace at the Sabine instead of
denoimcing Wilkinson because that peace left the little army imder
Wilkinson free to crush Burr's plans. I am willing to concede that up
to the time that Wilkinson received Burr's cipher letter from Swarth-
out near Natchitoches on October 8th, 1806, neither he, nor any one
in Louisiana, believed that Burr had any serious designs against any
United States territory.

While Adair was much with Burr, Wilkinson had only seen the
latter, after leaving Washington, twice in 1805 and not once in 1806,
and had not heard from him but three times in 1806. I have shown
that Burr wrote Wilkinson a letter on January 6th, 1806, declaring
there was no chance for a war with Spain, and he then being near
the seat of government ought to have been better posted than Wil-
kinson, in far off St. Louis. But later that spring the Spaniards
increased their forces at Mobile on the east, and a large force invaded
Louisiana at Sabine river on the west, and Wilkinson received orders
to send a force to the latter territory, in March, 1806, and later,
in May, to go there himself. Wilkinson admits when he first heard
the news of the encroachments of the Spaniards he said to many
people he believed it meant war.

He had held no commimications with Burr since the previous
October and was busily engaged with his military preparations at St.
Louis, when on May 12th, 1806, he received the following letter from
Burr which is published in the appendix to the second volimie of his
Memoirs.

April 16th, 1806.
"The execution of our project is postponed until December; want of
water in the Ohio rendered movement impracticable; other reasons render^
delay expedient. The association is enlarged and comprises all that Wil-
kinson could wish. Confidence limited to a few. Though this delay is irk-
some it will enable us to move with certainty and dignity. Burr will be
throughout the United States this summer. Administration is damned
which Randolph aids. Burr wrote you a lone letter last December replying
to a short one deemed very silly. Nothing has been heard of Brigadier since
October, Is Cusion at Fortes right. Address, Burr, Washington."

This letter is published in Wilkinson's Memoirs, 2nd Volume,

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124 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Appendix 83. Wilkinson declared that he never got the letter Bun-
said he had written in December, but he produced the one written
later to him by Burr in January, 1806.

In those January letters not a hint was given, either by Burr,
or by his self-avowed confidant Adair, of any proposed expedition.
If Wilkinson was to have been the moving spirit of any such expedi-
tion and was to have constituted it's military arm, why had the
^'Brigadier*' not been heard from for over six months and why had
he not been considered important enough to consult, as to when,
and where, the movement was to be laimched. At first blush it
would seem that Burr's troubles had then unsettled his mind.

No doubt the rapid change in the Spanish situation had in-
spired him with the idea of launching some military movement in
which he strongly coimted on Wilkinson's aid against the Spanish
authorities, but Wilkinson's critics have always charged that he had
a leaning to Spain and in this instance he should be given at least the
credit of not going to war on his own account against her without
cause.

Wilkinson wrote the following day. May 13th, 1806, asking
Burr, to explain what he meant by this letter. I will show later how
Burr, after a hypocritical pretence that he could not possibly show
what had been written to him in confidence, on being requested by
Wilkinson, in open court, to produce this and all other letters that he
had written to him, refused to do so claiming he had given this par-
ticular letter to a third party. Who that party was Burr did not
state, as he, if known, could have been summoned to produce this
letter. I call particular attention to the fact that the most bitter
charges were made against Wilkinson both before and after the Burr
trial, the daughter of Burr having written a book against him, yet
this letter, demanded by Wilkinson face to face with Burr, has
never as yet been produced.

I attach little importance to the charge that Wilkinson furnished
Burr a boat to go down the Mississippi River .in 1805, as Andrew
Jackson had furnished Burr a boat on the Ohio, to do the same on
that river, had entertained him elaborately, and Davis in his Memoirs
of Burr, (Volimie 2, page 382) says, **Jackson promised to aid Burr
in his invasion of Mexico with a whole division of troops." Jackson
also went to Burr's defense at Richmond and made a speech on the
streets there in his defense.

But the truth is, that Wilkinson did not furnish Burr with either
a boat or crew to go down the Mississippi in 1805. Capt Daniel
Hughes testified before the Bacon Conmiittee in 1811:

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General James Wilkinson 125

*'Q. Did General Wilkinson send a boat for Colonel Burr, to
the mouth of the Cximberland?

A. No, I do not believe he did. Col. Burr came down the river
in his own flat, passed a boat in which I lodged, and was hailed by a
sentinel before he landed.

Q. Did General Wilkinson furnish Col. Burr a crew or a barge
to descend the river, and what was his mode of transport?

A. No, Colonel Burr embarked in a barge, the private property
of Capt. Bissell, manned by a crew taken from a detachment, which
had been ordered to reinforce the lower posts on the Mississippi."

A very careful examination of certain of the salients facts con-
nected with the Burr conspiracy has not been made in any of the many
publications that I have read on this subject.

The very causes of Burr's unpopularity in Puritanical and
righteous New England made Burr a hero in the West and South
with such men as Jackson who believed in the duelling code.

In Creole New Orleans, particularly, duelling was so fixed an
institution that Mr. Lewis, the brother-in-law of the governor, was
killed in 1806 and in 1807 it's governor was wounded in a duel by the
member of Congress from that territory and nothing was thought
of it.

When Burr went down to New Orleans in 1805 he received an
ovation. His stepson, Prevost, was one of the Superior Judges of
Louisiana. Burr immediately allied himself with the party opposed
to Governor Claiborne, in fact Burr's friends claimed that Claiborne's
appointment, as the territorial governor of Mississippi, was but a
reward for his vote for Jefferson, for President, in Congress, two
years before his appointment as Governor. If this be true it may be
said that for such service Claiborne deserved much more trom his
coimtry.

On Burr's expedition down the Ohio in November, 1806, he was
again the recipient of the greatest attention. Even after his arrest
and trials at Frankfurt he was given a banquet. Burr was conceded
to be a man of courage. Now Adair and other friends of Burr declare
he only contemplated an invasion of Mexico. Wilkinson became
convinced, as well as did Governor Claiborne, that Burr had hostile
intentions against New Orleans after Burr's cipher letter to him, writ-
ten in July and received by Wilkinson October 8th, 1806.

The North American Review (Vol. 49) says:

*That there was really a double plot seems hardly deniable. *****
***** This double plot was characteristic of Burr. He found in the
west he had to deal with a decided attachment to the Union and the ad-

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126 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

ministration of Jefferson. In order to get over this he gave out among
those to be affected by it that his project was only against Mexico and that
that in this he was promised both the cooperation of the British and American
governments while to his more intimate associates he breathed a spirit
nothing short of utter contempt and enmity to the institutions of the United
States themselves."

Wilkinson's opinion, formed from Burr's and Dayton's letters
and from Swarthout's statements, was strengthened by other news
of Buir's intended descent with his forces to New Orleans, which
all agree was Burr's prospective destination. Now none of the words
I have read noted that the route then to Mexico coming down via
the Mississippi River from the Ohio was to turn westward when
Red River was reached and ascend that river to Natchitoches and
then to proceed westward over land to Texas.

New Orleans was then, and is now, flanked on both the east
and west by impenetrable marshes too soft for foot soldiers to march
in, for at least fifty miles. There is no pretence that Burr had then
any fleet at New Orleans to transport his troops by sea to Mexico.
To have come down to New Orleans, 208 miles below the mouth of
Red River, and then to have ascended against the current back to
Red River would have added to his trip at least five hundred miles.
Besides this. If Burr expected aid from Wilkinson, he then knew
that Wilkinson and his forces were already near the banks of the
Sabine at the Texas border.

Jefferson declared that Burr's real intention, was to capture
New Orleans and to loot the banks there, to furnish the funds to fit
out his expedition. It is also claimed that Daniel Clark, was an
accessory, and was himself to advance fifty thousand dollars to Burr,
but as shown hereafter, Clark while devoted to Burr, had little cash
money about that time.

Now if Adair was right and Wilkinson wrong in their respective
surmises as to Burr's intentions, when Burr was arrested at Bayou
Pierre coming down the Mississippi River, and released under bond
at Washington, Miss., why did he then seek refuge in flight? The
Good Book says, **The wicked flee when no man pursueth." No
man was pursuing Burr at that time. He had a powerful coterie of
friends both in the west and at New Orleans, including the powerful
Edward Livingston, subsequently one of his lawyers. Yet Burr not
only fled, but he fled in disguise and under an assumed name. A re-
ward of $2,000 was offered for his arrest, and he
was arrested on February the 9th, 1807, while working his way
eastward to Spanish Florida through the woods near Wakefield,
Alabama. He was later taken to Richmond for trial.

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General James Wilkinson 127

He attempted again to escape on his way to Richmond, and ap-
pealed to bystanders for help.

In McCaleb's book on Aaron Burr, which is largely a defense of
the latter, the excuse is given for this flight, that Burr might have
feared violence at the hands of Wilkinson. Burr had then been re-
leased by the Judges on $5,000.00 bail, was not under confinement,
and was being then made the object of much hospitality and atten-
tion. The great Henry Clay, his former attorney, Andrew Jackson,
and a host of others, were his friends and no one would have dared
to do him violence. None of the calumniators of Wilkinson have
ever charged that he was an assassin. The real truth was that Burr
feared his person would be demanded in other jurisdictions where
better proof could be, had against him than in Mississippi, and there-
fore, he forfeited his bail and fled.

In the report of the proceedings published in the Louisiana
Gazette of Friday February 27th, 1807, (now in the City Hall, New
Orleans) the Attorney-General Poindexter stated to the court, that
imder the depositions on file against Burr, the Court had no juris-
diction. "He further observed, that in order to procure the public
safety, the Territorial Judges ought inmiediately to convey the
accused to a tribunal competent to try and punish him (if guilty of
the charges against him) which they might legally do**

To thus Burr objected. In consequence of this view of the
Attorney General, no indictments were presented for the Grand
Jury to act on, and the Grand Jury was later discharged after stating
they had no presentments to make against Burr, etc. The question
then was whether the court should cancel the bond and discharge
Burr when they discharged the Grand Jury, or hold him on his bond
subject to prosecution in another jurisdiction.

Burr's former discharge in Kentucky had not prevented the
later expedition down the Mississippi River and the court, though at
first divided, refused to cancel Burr's bond; hence his flight.

It is remarkable that every attack on Wilkinson harks back to
Daniel Clark, the friend of Burr, or to the attorneys for Burr. As
was truthfully said by Jefferson in his letter to Wilkinson, on June
21st, 1807, "But it was soon apparent that the clamorous were only
the criminal endeavoring to turn the public attention from them-
selves, and their leader upon any other object."

Burr and his friends, with lawyers hired in almost every large
city, to act as his "claquers," were doing their utmost to prove that
this prosecution was instigated by Wilkinson.

One query repeated in the Louisiana Gazette of April 31st, 1807,

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128 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

as published in the "Aurora" shortly previous, seems pertinent.
If, as contended by Clark and a host of Burr's friends and attorneys,
Wilkinson was suspected or known as a venal mercenary of the
Spanish crown since 1794, why do they claim he was to hold so prom-
inent a position in their own anti-Spanish movement, and why was
no open attack made on him until forces under his command had
crushed Burr. "No thief ere felt the halter draw, with good opinion
of the law."

As to Burr's pretensions, Jefferson delcared that Burr had forged
a letter from Dezabom, Secretary of War, endorsing his scheme, to
get western men to join his expedition.

In the Louisiana Gazette, March 8th, 1807, is published a three
column deposition containing the full details of Burr's plot as explain-
ed by Burr himself to the deponent. General William Eaton, which
deposition Eaton declares was forwarded in substance to the Presi-
dent by him in September or October, 1806, which was about two
months before Wilkinson's letter to the latter was received. Mr.
Eaton testified that when Burr told him Wilkinson was to be his
Lieutenant, **I replied, Wilkinson will be a Lieutenant to no man in
existence." Mr. Eaton testified that he believed his reference to
Wilkinson was '*an artful argument of deduction."

Burr was utterly unworthy of belief.

In a criticism of Davis' Memoirs of Burr, the North American
Review, Vol. 49 (1839), p. 155 said:

"Washington was so distrustful of Burr that he rejected the recom-
mendation of his friends to make him minister to Paris declaring he had no
confidence in his integrity."

This dislike Burr cordially returned since, "From the day of
Burr's resignation from the revolutionary army to the day of his
death he never failed to speak of Washington save in terms of dis-
paragement," (same article) (p. 168.)

Henry Clay, formerly deceived by Burr's former protestations
of innocence, refused to shake hands with the latter, when he met
him in the Federal court house in New York, after his return from
Europe (Part on 's Life of Burr).

On October 6th, 1806, two days before Wilkinson in far off
Louisiana had received Burr's letter, the citizens of Wood county,
Virginia, held a mass meeting and denounced Burr's intended expe-
dition and called for troops to suppress it. Resolutions were there
adopted and sent to the President and published in many news-
papers.

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General James Wilkinson 129

The Monongahela Gazette published these resolutions on Octo-
ber 16th, 1806, and that publication was republished in the Louis-
iana Gazette of December 26th, 1806.

Wilkinson's letter in November was merely a confirmation of
Jefferson's previous advices.

Jefferson in his message to Congress on January 22nd, 1807,
said that he knew over two months before he received Wilkinson's
letter, on November 25th, 1806, of Burr's preparations, and he had
in the latter part of October, sent a confidential agent to the Ohio
to keep him thoroughly posted. Jefferson stated that firom the
information there gathered and Wilkinson's letter he became con-
vinced that Burr's object **was to seize on New Orleans, plimder the
bank there, possess himself of the military and naval stores and to
proceed on his expedition to Mexico." ********** After
stating the steps taken and the orders given to coimteract Burr's
designs, Jefferson said to Congress, "A little before the receipt of
these orders in the State of Ohio, our confidential agent, who had been
dtltgenily employed* tn tmesitgattng the conspiracy, had acquired
sufficient information to open himself to the Governor of that State,
and to apply for the immediate exertion of the authority and power
of the State to crush the combination."

"Governor Tiffin, and the legislature, with a promptitude
energy, and patriotic zeal, which entitle them to a distinguished
place in the affection of their sister States, effected^ seizure of all the
boats, provisions and other preparations withm their reach; and thus
gave a first blow, materially disabling the enterprise at its outset.*'

The President stated to Congress how Kentucky and Tennessee
had al^ aided him in putting down the Burr expedition, and when
McCalA, and other Burr historians, declare, that the 135 patriots
who came down with Burr were too petty a force to warrant Wil-
kinson's alarming disptaches, they fail to note that but for the prompt-
ness with which Jefferson and the officials of Ohio and Kentucky
acted thousands might have joined Burr's standard.

Among the many false and exparte statements gotten up to do
service in assailing Wilkinson was that he sent Colonel W. Burling
down to the Vice-Roy of Mexico with a letter stating all the details
of the Burr expedition and demanding over $100,000 for his services
in preventing the invasion of Mexico.

Daniel Clark had less than a year before returned from a visit
to the Vice-Roy of Mexico and the Spanish officers generally dis-
liked Wilkinson so much that they would have been willing, at the

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130 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

fcnmer Spaniard, Clark's instigation, to make any statement to the
former's discredit.

Such a statement was no doubt instigated by Clark who could
not use it because Burling still lived to refute it. Therefore, it was
not brought up either in the Court of Inquiry in 1808 or m the Court
Martial in 1811. It is however, cited in both Davis' Memoirs of
Burr and in McCaleb's work and in Clark's **Proofs."

Any visit of Burling to Vera Cruz late in 1806 must have been
made at Jefferson's suggestion since later on January 3rd, 1807, the
President wrote Wilkinson that he was anxious as to the safety of
Vera Cruz which a French or English fleet could capture.

"You may expect further information as we receive it."

I prefer on this matter to take the sworn evidence of Colonel
W. Burling, dated November 9th, 1807, and offered before the
Court of Inquiry in 1808, within less than a year after the latter's
return from Vera Cruz, rather than a suspicious improbable and im-
swom statement from one of the most corrupt- Spanish rulers that
ever disgraced Mexico, concerning an alleged letter from Wilkinson,
and two other unsworn statements, deposited many years later,
with one of Burr's former attorneys.

Colonel Burling after testifying to the prominent part he had
taken in the agreement between the American and Spanish forces in
the fall of 1806, concludes, **The following morning (November 3rd,
1806), the Inspector Viana came to our camp, when the agreement
was made which removed our difficulties for that time; and shortly
after the General, leaving the troops under the command of Colonel
Cushing, set off for Natchitoches whither I accompanied him. After
a short stay at this place we proceeded to Natchez, where I took leave
oj htm as a public man, nor have I since that period had any communt-
cation with htm of a public nature''

**I take this occasion to declare in the most solemn manner,
that m all General Wilkinson's transactions, until I left him to follow
my private pursuits, he appeared to have no other object m view than
the faithful performance of his duty. ********♦' Wilkinson's
Memoirs, Vol. 2, App. XCVII.

To show to what lengths in vituperation, the dironiclers of that
time, have gone, Davis, in his memoirs of Burr, Vol. 2, p. 400, says:

* 'Accordingly after the trial of Burr at Richmond General Wilkinson
despatched Capt. Walter Burling bis aid to demand oi the Vice-Roy of
Mexico the repayment of his expenditures and compensations for his ser-
vices to Spain in defeating Burr's expedition against Mexico. The modesty
of this demand being about tuo hundred thousand dollars is worthy oi notice.

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General James Wilkinson 131

Following this statement is what purports to be a copy of an
act of deposit by Richmond Raynal Keene, an ex-Spanish officer,
then attorney in New Orleans, before William Y. Lewis, former
attorney of Burr, ahd then Notary, dated December 24th, 1836.

The documents so deposited were two unsworn statements, one
dated 1816, purporting to be from the former wife of Vice-Roy
Iturrigary, and the other, in 1821, from an Irish-Spanish priest at
Salamanca, and both containing an account of how Wilkinson de-
manded through Walter Burling, his aid, over $200,000 from Iturri-
gary for his expenses and as a reward for frustrating the Burr invasion
of Mexico.

I have searched the Notarial archives of New Orleans for these
docimients, but find the records of Notary Lewis, up to 1840 were
burnt during hts hfe, aud that these docimients were never deposited
there.

The animus of the author of this deposit is easily explained.
This Richard Raynal Keene, was much embittered against both
Wilkinson and Claiborne; against the former for charging in 1807
that he was a confederate of Burr and against the latter for making
affidavit that he had gone to Jamaica to obtain a British Naval
force to aid Burr. Though the charge by Wilkinson was withdrawn
in the Louisiana Gazette of September 1st, 1807, Keene never for-
gave him. These Keene statements are not only unsworn to, but no
evidence of their authenticity is attached to them and for aught to
the contrary, they were manufactured in New Orleans.

It is more than improbable that the particulars of a letter re-
ceived and destroyed on its receipt by Iturrigary, as he states, in
1807, should have been remembered for so many years by third
parties whom it did not concern and who were passing through such
tearful trials and reverses as the former vice-roy and his house-hold
suffered after 1808.

Not only this, but the uncontradicted facts show, as stated by
McCaleb in his work on Burr, (pp. 165 to 169), that Burling left
Natchez on this mission for Mexico on November 17th, 1806, that he
went westward overland to Vera Cruz reaching there January 20th,
1807, and returned by sea in February. From the time Burling left
Wilkinson on November 14th, 1806, until the latter reached Vera
Cruz, and saw Iturrigary, January 20th, 1807, Wilkinson had no
opportimity to communicate with Burling. Now the Burr trials did
not begin until Jime, 1807.

The Burr expedition did not come down the river and Burr was
not arrested until January 15th, 1807. The projected invasion of

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132 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Mexico by Burr was neither fiiistrated or defeated for nearly two
months after the mission of Burling to Mexico began, therefore, on
its face, any such demand by Wilkinson for defeating, what had then
never existed, would have been ridiculous and preposterous.

I am inclined to believe that as Wilkinson was making all the
preparation and getting all the assistance possible; as the United
States forces, their forts, their cannon and anmiimition were weak
and in a wretched condition, he may have warned Iturrigary of the
projected invasion and asked Mexico's financial aid, just as the
United States once tendered her financial aid to help Carranza wipe
out Villa. But from a careful examination, I am inclined to believe
that there was a thorough imderstanding between Iturrigary and
Burr's friends and that the news brought by Burling was a dis-
appointment to the most disreputable and" treacherous ruler that
Mexico has ever known, and consequently he did all he could to
discredit Wilkinson.

Davis in his memoirs of Burr 2nd Volimie, p. 382, says, "On
the suggestion of Wilkinson, Mexico was twtce visited by Daniel
Clark." (The letters from Clark and Wilkinson, both before and
after Clark's trip, show Wilkinson did not know what the object of
Clark's visit was, and they had not seen each other at all during
the year 1806).

Parton, says. Vol. 2, p. 45: "My own impression, after reading
all the procurable documents, is, that neither Clark or Wilkinson
were really embarked in Burr's Mexican scheme: though both up
to a certain point may have favored it."

Davis continues, "He (Clark) held conferences and effected,
arrangements with many of the principal militia officers who engaged
to favor the revolution. The Catholic Bishop, resident at New
Orleans, was also consulted, and prepared to promote the enterprise.
He designated three priests as suitable agents, and they were accord-
ingly employed. The Bishop was an intelligent and social man.
He had been in Mexico and spoke with great freedom of the dissatis-
faction of the Clergy in South America. Madame Xavier Tyurcon,
Superior of the convent of Ursuline Nuns, was in the secret. Some
of the sisterhood were also employed in Mexico. So far as any de-
cision had been formed, the landing was to have been effected at
Tampico."

Clark in his "Proofs of the Corruption of General Wilkinson,"
page 94, says:

"On the 11th of September 1805 I purchased a ship called the Caroline
and prepared her for the voyage. I embarked in her with a cargo amounting

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General James Wilkinson 133

to $105 000 and sailed for La Vera Cruz. I remained there about two months
and then returned to New Orleans leaving behind me about $56 000. In
February I made a second voyage to La Vera Cruz with the double view of
bringing back the funds before left there and of disposing of the cargo of
the ship Patty which was to follow me in a few days with a cam> amount-
ing to $55 000. I effected both these objects leaving at Vera Cruz about
$40 000 which I did not receive till the next year."

The story of Clark's second Mexican trip in February, 1806, is
true. In his letter of September 7th, 1805, to Wilkinson (Memoirs
Appendix 23), Clark says, "I am on the point of setting off to Vera
Cruz." *********** My return will be in three or four
months." In this letter Clark desired Wilkinson to look aftervertain
of his land titles in his absence. He left on his second trip February
9th, 1806. As soon as he returned, in a letter dated New Orleans
April 14/A, 1806, (Memoirs Appendix 73), Clark wrote Wilkinson,
"I wrote you in the month of August of last year, enclosing plots
and titles of simdry tracts of land. **********Be pleased
to dissipate my fears by giving me some information on the subject.
**********! have been since I last wrote to you, m the
land of promise, but what is more I have gotten safe from it, after
having been represented to the Vice-Roy, as a person dangerous to
the Spanish government."

This shows that Clark when he left New Orleans for Vera Cruz
in September, 1805, intended to stay about four months. He did
stay on both trips five months.

In the deposition of Daniel W. Coxe, partner of Danie) Clark,
against Wilkinson, dated June 13th, 1808, the former swore that
late in 1806, the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, (the Spanish minister)
"jestingly observed to me, that he imderstood Mr. Clark was going to
Vera Cruz and was intimate with Burr when at New Orleans, I im-
mediately wrote Mr. Clark (which was about the end of the year
1805), and advised him to have nothing to do with Burr.

The following is an extract of Clark's letter to me:

'New Orleans February 6th 1806.
My dear Friend

I received this day your favor of the 20th of December by post and I
thank you for the information contained in the private enclosure. Be
pleased to assure the respectable person who informed you I was closely con-
nected with Colonel Biur that he has been much imposed on in this parti-
cular. That I never was acquainted with him until he came last summer
to New Orleans and that I neither was or could be mad enough to attach
myself to a man of desperate fortunes whose stay among us did not exceed
a fortnight. ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ What in God's name have I to expect
or could I hope from Col. Burr. And is it probable I should commit my
fortime and perhaps reputation at my period of life to commit follies for
him? ****** *^ **'

This short extract of Clark's longer letter shows it was written
for the Spanish Minister's consumption. Such a declaration was

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134 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

certainly necessary for one then under suspicion setting sail again
for Vera Cruz three days later, in the William Wright."

Reading between the lines of this letter, written months before
knowledge of Burr's plans came to public light from any one, it
showed Clark then knew how "mad and desperate" Burr's plans
really were, and that they were enough to cause any one to risk his
^'fortune and reputation." On May 19th, 1806, some three months
later, Clark was elected to Congress from Orleans Territoy . The man
who was such a patriot, that he had in 1802, tried to ruin Wilkinson's
reputation with forged documents with the President, while the
country he lived in was under Spanish rule, when a prominent federal
officer, never once, gave the government warning about Burr, and
every political friend and associates he had, when the arrest of Burr
and his friends occurred, rallied to the support of that **bad" **des-
perate" adventurer, for whom it would have been so foolish "to
risk one's fortune or reputation."

Now these appear to have been the first and last ventures of
Clarjc at Vera Cruz.

In his "Proofs," Clark says:

"By the letter of the Spanish commercial laws all trade was prohi-
bited to her colonies except it be carried on by natives or naturalized resi-
dents. This rule was first relaxed under the administration of the Baron
• de Carondelet."

Iturrigary was later condemned by the Residencia to restore
nearly a half million dollars, part of which, was for goods illegally
shipped into Vera Cruz. Therefore, Clark, if he shipped goods to
Mexico, of which he adduces no proof whatever, had to stand in with
the Vice-Roy. He went there on his two visits shortly after Burr left
Orleans and stayed there five months. He also admits he saw the
Vice-Roy.

Historians have' all failed to notice the curious coincidences
between the careers of Burr and Iturrigary of Mexico. The former
was a Vice-President, the latter a Vice-Roy. The former was ar-
rested in 1807, and the latter in 1808, for high treason and other
crimes. Both urged technical defenses. Both gave bond to appear.
Burr for five thousand dollars, the latter a $40,000 cash deposit
bond. Both fled. Iturrigary to Africa. Both returned to die in their
native land, Iturrigary, after pardon.

Bancroft in his History of Mexico says, p. 22:

**Iturrigary's appointment as the 56th vice-roy of Mexico was
due to Godoy." **Iturrigary's first act on taking possession was to
defraud the crown by illegally importing a cargo of merchandise into

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General James Wilkinson 135

Vera Cruz which netted him 119,125 Pesos. This fraud was thS first
of many serious charges proven against him in his Residencia, of which
an account will be given later."

* 'Moreover he at once began a system of a sale of employments
on his own account and established for his benefit an impost on
quicksilver, by which he unjustly secured to himself large benefits.
Other frauds were perpetrated in contracts for paper used in the
government cigar factories, the contractors charging fictitious prices
and paying a bonus to Dona Ines {wife of the vtce-ioy)*' (pp. 23 and 24).
On pages 25, 26, 27, the historians states that by other corrupt
methods the vice-roy gained enormous wealth.

"The Spanish government involved, under Godoy's rule, in
political difficulties corruption and extravagance and harassed by
the exorbitant demands of Napoleon * * * * decreed by royal order
of December 26th, 1804, to sequester all the real estate belonging to
benevolent institutions. ********** j^ order to stim-
ulate the zeal of the functionaries and to make these sequestrations
more productive they were allowed a percentage of the sale. Such
an incentive with men like Iturrigary, left little hope for the people;
and great was the clamor among all classes, especially the clergy.
********** Subsequently all corporate property was
taken, deposits of all kinds even money designed to ransom prisoners;
never had royal license to fleece the colonists been more barefaced
never had the robbery of a people by its rulers been piore merciless
and infamous. **********-

'The. merciless rigor with which the vice-roy executed every
oppressive decree and the fact that he and a host of officials profited
by the ruin of others, gained him the odium of the sufferers." (p. 31).

"More and more urgent (in 1805) were the appeals to the V tee-
Roy for Mexican stiver and gold, Iturrigary seems in every respect
equal to the emergency. The colonists are made to bleed."

"From corporations, from the clergy and from private individ-
uals, thirteen millions of dollars are secured at this juncture, and
shipped in four frigates, some five millions more being retained for
later transportation. To make up this amount he (Iturrigary) has
not only seized any deposits, however sacred, he could lay his hands
on, and forced money from the poor, but he has resorted to a swindling
system of lotteries," (p. 32).

"In 1801, Philip Nolan (Wilkinson's friend) makes an incursion
into Mexican territory as far as Neuvo Santander and under the
pretext of purchasing horses erects some forts. He is however, at-
tacked and slain." (p. 33).

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'*When the news was received of the victory of Lord Nelson at
Trafalgar over the French and Spaniards in 1805, Iturrigary be-
lieved Vera Cruz would be attacked." (Bancroft 35).

In 1808, Iturrigary was suspected of treasonable designs. "But
Iturrigary is a coward and hypocrite — a man not the best either for
a traitor or patriot. He has no thought of self sacrifice; on the
contrary should he make Mexico free, he must be well paid for tt.

On the 19th of July, 1808, an address was presented to Iturrigary
asking him to become the ruler of Mexico. To this he assented.

On September 14th, 1808, Iturrigary was arrested and deposed
and on the 6th of December, 1808, was taken on the ship San Justo
to Cadiz. * There impeached for treason and accused of extortion
and mal-administration, he awaited trial." His trial began in Aug-
ust, 1809, but was later su^)ended, and he was required to give a
deposit of 40,000 pesos for bond. In October, 1810, the new regency
ordered that he be re-arrested and his trial be proceeded with. He
then fled to Africa. On the 26th of November, 1811, he was allowed
the benefit of the general pardon. In the residencia in Mexico the
late vice-roy was condemned to pay $435,413. On appeal this
decree was afl&rmed by the council of the Indies in February, 1819,
and later by the supreme tribunal of justice.

In 1821 Dona Ines, Iturrigary's wulow went to Mesdco after tts
declaration of independence, and claimed "the vice-roy had been the
first promoter of independence and had fallen a victim to the cause,'' and
she succeeded so well in proving this, that she recovered $400,000 of
the nioney, the formier vice-roy had been condemned to pay. (Ban-
croft p. 62).

It would therefore seem, that if Iturrigary was one of the first
promoters of independence in Mexico, prior to 1808, he must have
been a party to the Burr conspiracy of which that independence was
one of the main objects. General Eaton testified that Burr in his
declaration to him said he had influential agents in Mexico.

But the record shows that bpth Iturrigary and his wife were
first class frauds; that they were the devoted slaves of royalty, while
in Spain, yet leading patriots of independence in Mexico, when nioney
was to be gotten by it.

What sweet scented specimens they were, to convict an American
on their imswom statements.

On his visits to the West in 1805 and 1806, Burr spent thrice
as much time with Andrew Jackson as he did with any other man.
Jackson could abide no equal or superior and either envied or hated

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General James Wilkinson 137

Wilkinson. Jackson necessarily knew more than Wilkinson did of
Burr's plans.

On November 12th, 1806, Jackson wrote to Governor Clai-
borne, **********

"Put your town in a state of defense organize your militia and defend
your dty as well against internal as external enemies. My knowledge
does not extend so far as to go into detail but I fear you will meet with an
attack from quarters you do not expect. Be upon the alert; keep a tvatch-
ful eye on your general and beware of an attack on your own country as
from Spain. I fear there is something rotten in the state of Denmark. You
have enemies within your own city that may try to subvert your govern-
ment and try to separate it from the Union. You know I never hazard ideas
without good grounds; You will keep these hints to yourself. But I say again
be on the alert; your government I fear is in danger . I fear there are plans on
foot inimical to the Union, whether they will be attempted to be carried into
effect or not I cannot say but rest assured they are in operation or I calcu-
late boldly. Beware of the month of December. I'love my country and govern-
ment; I hate the Dons; / would delight to see Mexico reduced', but I will die
in the last ditch before I would yield a foot to the Dons or see the Union
disunited; this / write for your own eye and for your own safety. Profit by
it and the Ides of March remember. With sincere respect I am as usual,
your sincere friend Andrew Jackson.

A very cursory reading of this letter shows that Jackson knew
Burr's intentions as to Mexico, and feared he would also attack New
Orleans and dismember the Union. He knew even the month that
Burr intended to descend, and did descend, the Mississippi with his
ei^)edition, yet he disclosed nothing beyond an insinuation to beware
of Wilkinson's treachery, the man he hated. He declares and re-
peats the "government is in danger" — *'the imion is in danger," yet
says nothing about it to the President, the head of the nation, and
bids Governor Claiborne "Keep these hints to yourself."

Contrast his conduct with that of the man he suspected, who
informed the President, informed Governor Claiborne, and took the
most active step to arrest the conspirators as soon as he knew of the
conspiracy. The foes of Wilkinson declare he acted the despot at
New Orleans. Judge Workman was in league with Burr's friends,
and was releasing them as fast as he could, yet Wilkinson's conduct
on that occasion was not one-tenth part as arbitrary, as Jackson's
was, later in New Orleans, if Judge Martin is to be believed.

In fact after peace was declared, and after Judge Hall, im-
prisoned by Jackson, had been released on the President's proclama-
tion, and after Jackson had been fined by Judge Hall, which fine was
taken out of the United States coffers and returned by Congress,
thus endorsing Jackson's course, Jackson again denounced Judge
Hall. Martin (p. 410) says. Hall replied, "Judge Hall knows full
well how easy it is for one with the influence and patronage of General
Jackson to proctu-e certificates and affidavits. He knows that men

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138 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

usurping authority have their delators and spies, and that in the
sunshine of dictatorial power swarms of miserable creatures are
rapidly changed into the shape of buzzing reformers; Judge Hall
declares he has at no time made the statements he is charged with
making by General Jackson and challenges him to his proof." This
proof Jackson never attempted.

McCaleb says, (p. 86) :

'Though Burr failed, history emphatically shows his plans
were opportune, and that their wreck was due to influences he had
properly failed to estimate and chiefly to the conduct of Wilkinson.

McCaleb in his work on Burr, declares that Blannerhasett
stated he had sued Andrew Jackson for a due bill or note the latter
had given Burr for over one thousand dollars borrowed money.
Patton says Jackson followed Burr to Richmond and there, "har-
angued a crowd from the steps of a comer grocery for Burr and damn-
ing Jefferson as his prosecutor." Parton on Burr 2 Vol., p. 105) (.

He further states that it was Burr in 1815 who first suggested
Jackson for the Presidency. (2nd Vol. 256).

When Jackson became president in 1829, he gave Samuel Swart-
hout. Burr's man Friday, the New York coUectorship, one of the best
offices in his gift. (Parton 2 Vol. 280).

Burr, however, presimiing on Jackson's strong friendship, tried
to get the administration of the latter to allow him one hundred thous-
and dollars for his expenses and services in the revolutionary war,
and in order to get this through, agreed to give a young lawyer,
then courting the daughter of Jackson's secretary, and holding office
in that department ten thousand dollars to have this claim allowed,
Jackson declared it a piece of rascality and this claim was rejected.
Parton 2nd, pp. 281-2.

To show how na'fety and vituperative the partisans of Burr's
supporters were I quote an excerpt of Judge Workman's public
crticism of Claiborne's address to the legislature, published in the
Louisiana Gazette of April 10th, 1807. Thus,

'There is not extant such a monimient of impudence, vanity
and falsehood as the speech from which those extracts are taken."

'The poor dog may continue to wear and display the feathers
which I chartitably gave him to clothe his tmfledged miserable tail,
but he shall not steal any of the plimies which I have appropriated
for my own use and ornament."

Such nice, dignified language from a judge to the Governor was
typical of the time.

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General James Wilkinson 139

The letters produced by me from Governor Claiborne show,
that before the Burr trial came on, and even before his indictment,
the friends of Burr and enemies of Wilkinson were doing all they
could to aid the former and injure the latter.

Burr was represented at Richmond by five able lawyers, Edmund
Randolph, John Wickham, Benjamin Botts, John Baker and Luther
Martin, the last named being the celebrated lawyer who had just
successfully defended Judge Chase. Burr had lawyers all over the
country. He was represented in New Orleans by the leading firm of
Livingston and Alexander and at Natchez by Hardin, of that bar.
Daniel W. Coxe testified before the court of inquiry in 1808 that
William Lewis was Burr's attorney in Philadelphia. Burr also had
powerful friends who were most active in his behalf. Evidently
money for him was not lacking. In the four Claiborne letters, that I
now produce, it will be seen that General Adair came all the way .
from Kentucky, before Burr was indicted, and spent weeks in New
Orleans hunting up evidence against Wilkinson, and as he left there to
go to Richmond, we can take for granted that such evidence was to
be used to impeach Wilkinson and help Burr.

As Wilkinson was the most important witness against Burr,
the lawyers of the latter directed their fire against him, even before
Burr was indicted. Wilkinson had hardly landed from the vessel
that brought him when Burr's counsel prayed for an attachment
him for contempt on the ground that he had kidnapped Lindsay and
against Knox, two of the witnesses of the government against Burr, and
had brought them to Richmond on his ship. They further charged
that Wilkinson had tried to bribe Knox to testify against Burr.
There are numerous cases where men have been accused with trying
to keep witnesses away from Court, but this is the first case ever
heard of where an attack was made on a man for bringing state
witnesses to Court.

This trial for an attachment for contempt of court took four
days and is reported in full in Robertson's Trial of Burr (1st Volume,
pp. 258 to 390). The result was Wilkinson's complete vindication
and acquittal. The friends of Burr have attacked Jefferson as the
prosecutor of Burr, the friends of Jefferson and Jefferson himself
have attacked Judge Marshall as leaning to Burr, but both Jefferson
and Marshall held that Wilkinson had done his full duty in the Bun-
affair by his country.

The statements of a witness that traveled from Kentucky to
New Orleans to hunt up testimony against Wilkinson, and thence to
Richmond, about twenty five hundred miles, and was, as Claiborne

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140 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

says, abusing Wilkinson while hunting for such testimony, does. not
show that General Adair was an impartial chronicler.

One thing is certain that the attorneys for the defense of Burr
were engaged in ransacking the coimtry to procure evidence of some
kind against Wilkinson and seem to have foimd nothing to his dis-
credit. The defense of Burr was a technical one and his case went
off on the plea that he had not actually waged war against the United
States. The friends of Burr seem to have missed the point, that,
but for the arrest of Burr by th^ forces under Wilkinson, this defense
might not have availed Burr, and th^ stopping of his expedition in
time by Wilkinson, may have saved Burr, and at the same time other
persons, their lives.

But not only were the attorneys of Burr ready to seize on every
pretext to attack Wilkinson, but his bitter enemy, John Randolph
was the foreman of the Grand Jury that indicted Burr and a number
of his supporters, and was also anxious to indict Wilkinson. The in-
dictments against Burr and his friends were returned into Court on
Jime 24th, 1807, while the rule against Wilkinson was being tried.
On the same day I cite what then occurred from "Robertson's trial
of Burr," (Volume 1, pages 356 to 359.)

"While Mr. Hay was speaking the Grand Jury entered and their
foreman Mr. Randolph addressed the court to the following effect: "May
it please the Court the Grand Jury have been informed that there is m the
possession of Aaron Burr a certain letter with the post mark May the 13th,
from James Wilkinson in ciphers which they may deem to be material to
certain inquiries now pending before them. The Grand Jury are perfectly
aware that they have no ri^t to demand any evidence from the prisoner
imder prosecution which may tend to criminate himself. But the Grand
Jury have thought proper to appear in Court to ask its assistance if it tliinks
proper to want it to obtain the letter with his consent."

"Mr. Burr declared that it would be impossible for him under certain
circumstances to expose any letter which had been communicated to him
confidentially; how far the extremity of circumstances niight impd him
to such a conduct he was not prepared to decide; but it was impossible
for him even to deliberate on the proposition to deliver up something which
had been confided to his honor; unless it was extorted from him by law."

Thus the court was given to understand that Burr then had this
letter, and that his refusal to produce it was dictated by the most
pimctilious sense of honor that would not permit him to not do any-
thing that would injure the writer of the letter.

At the same time Burr's refusal was an undercut at Wilkinson,
who, believing that no such privilege applied as a protection for illegal
acts, had produced before the Grand Jury Burr's letters to him.
Forttmately for Wilkinson he learned of Burr's declaration, atid
District Attorney McRae at his request made the following statement
in open court, "The Grand Jury has asked for a certain letter in ciphers

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General James Wilkinson 141

which was supposed to have been addressed by General Wilkinson
to the accused. The court had understood the ground on which the
accused had refused to put it in their possession to be an apprehen-
sion lest his honor should be wounded by thus betraying matters of
confidence. I have seen General Wilkinson since this declaration
was made, and the General* had expressed his wishes to me, and re-
quested me to express these wishes, that the whole of the correspondence
between Aaron Burr and himself be exhibited to this court. The accused
has now therefore, a fair opportunity of producing this letter; he is
absolved from all possible imputation; his honor is perfectly safe."

(Mr. Burr): 'The court will probably expect from me some
reply. The communication which I made to the court, has led, it
seems to the present invitation, I have only to say sir, this letter will
not be produced. The letter is not at this time in my possession
and General Wilkinson knows it."

Burr stated afterwards to the court that he had given this
letter to a third party. Who that party was, or whether it was one of
his coimsel, he did not say, but thou^ challenged by Wilkinson to
produce this letter he dared not do so.

But more than this, after Burr's acquittal for treason and all
serious danger to him was over; when he was put on trial for mis-
demeanor only, Wilkinson gave his evidence which is quoted ver-
batim in the issues of the Louisiana Gazette from November 13th,
to December 11th, 1807, In this testimony Burr's coimsel cross
examined Wilkinson as to this letter dated May 13th, and post-
marked May 18th, the contents of which Wilkinson stated he could
not remember. Counsel for the government thereupon declared
that as this letter was in the possession of Burr or his counsel, and the
same was the best evidence it should be produced or at least, the same
should be shown to refresh the memory of the witness. This was not
done. Finally on Saturday, October 9th, 1807 (as published in Gazette
of December 11th):

"General Wilkinson having been informed there were no more
questions to be propounded to him, addressed the Judge as follows:
"Upon a former occasion you will recollect sir, that reference was
made to a certain letter, of which so much has been said. That letter
is designated by the words said to be used in it, "Yours postmarked
the 18th. of May has been received." Yet that letter has been with-
held imder the pretext of delicacy; while we have seen it employed in
the most artful and insidious manner to injure my reputation and
tarnish my fame. Sir, I demand the production of that letter. I
hope the reputation acquired by nearly 30 years of service is not to

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be filched frCm me by the subtlety, artifice or fraud of Colonel Burr
and his counsel ********** The letter postmarked the
18th of May, has often been mentioned and has been used to injure
my character and envelop it in doubt and suspicion. This letter if
written at all, must have been written in answer to one received
from Colonel Burr. Why has it not been produced? / challenge its
production. ********** i have no hesitation in saying
that the declarations of that gentleman (pointing to Col. Burr)
that he had put the letter beyond his power, and with my knowledge,
is totally destitute of the truth."

All this Burr's historians have suppressed.

The rule is well settled, that where one man seeks to introduce
evidence and another suppresses it, the strongest presimiptions are
in favor of the former and against the latter.

The change made in a copy of the cipher letter of Burr of Octo-
ber 8th, was made by Mr. A. L. Duncan, an attorney on whom
Wilkinson had called for advice before he left New Orleans, and this
was testified to by Duncan at Wilkinson's trial four years later.
(Wilkinson's memoirs, Volume 2nd, pp. 332 to 335). The change,
did not affect Burr to the slightest extent, but was of course seized
on by Burr's attorneys to denoimce Wilkinson.

I submit where every motive of hostility and interest was taken
advantage of to the utmost in the Burr case aginst Wilkinson and
where all the witnesses were then living to testify against him he
came forth unscathed. Now when he and they are no longer here to
speak for themselves suspicion ought not to be indulged in to wrong
Wilkinson's memory.

Wilkinson, while having warm friends, made powerful and bitter
enemies. The two men who hated him most were John Randolph
and Daniel Clark. Randolph having in 1807, attacked Wilkinson on
the floor of the House of Representatives, the latter challenged him,
and on Randolph's refusal to fight, posted him as a coward and
poltroon and called attention to the fact that he had been previously
caned by an officer of the army.

In the Louisiana Gazette of April 3rd, 1807, is printed the fol-
lowing editorial from the Baltimore American, *The reader will
find in our columns yesterday the far famed speech of Mr. J. Ran-
dolph. It is tinctured with all the bitterness which that gentleman
never fails to mingle with his observations when he speaks of those
whom he dislikes. It would really seem uncandid and ungenerous,
for Mr. Randolph to treat with such inmerited severity, were it not

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General James Wilkinson 143

known that he entertains towards the commander-in-chief a deadly
rancorous personal hositltty'' *******♦*♦

This editorial shows Mr. Randolph's great Inconsistency in
first calling on the President to take the most 'Trompt and effica-
cious measures for securing the imion threatened with external war
and conspiracy and treasons," and then in assaulting Wilkinson by
declaring the Burr conspiracy was merely **an intrigue."

Randolph was then writhing from the result of the Chase im-
peachment. John Randolph no doubt derived his bitter and re-
vengeful nature from his Indian ancestry.

His command of invective was only equalled by his ignorance
of law and imfaimess in debate. His most famous prosecution and
failure was that of the impeachment of the federalist United States
Judge Chase. After Chase's acquittal, Adams, Vol. 1, p. 240, says:

"The Northern democrats talked of Randolph with disgust and Sen-
ator Cocke of Tennessee who voted guilty as to Chase, told his federalist
colleagues in the senate that Randolph's vanity, ambition, insolence and dis-
honesty, not only in the impeachment but in other matters, were such as
to make the acquittal of Chase no subject of regret."

Wilkinson's other greatest enemy, Daniel Clark was bom in
Sligo, Ireland, in 1766, and was educated in England. He came to
New Orleans on the invitation of his imcle about 1784, and succeeded
to the latter's estate in 1799. He was 21 years old when Wilkinson
first came to New Orleans. Untrue to the country of his birth, like
his compatriot, Thomas Power, he became and remained a Spanish
subject when Great Britain was at war with Spain.

It is a coincidence that O'Reilly, who invited the Creole leaders
in New Orleans to a banquet and then treacherously murdered
them, and Clark, who spent so much time and effort to assasinate
Wilkinson's good name, were both Irish-Spaniards.

The firm of Clark and Dunn, in which the elder Clark was a
partner, became in 1788, Wilkinson's agent in New Orleans, but ow-
ing to overcharges by young Clark, acting for that firm Wilkinson
in 1790, transferred his business to Philip Nolan, who then became
Wilkinson's agent.

The misunderstanding on Wilkinson's part was soon forgotten
and Clark subsequently wrote Wilkinson the most fulsome letters,
but the member from Sligo was simply biding his time to get even.

Clark's own letters to Wilkinson, (Memoirs, 2nd Vol., Appendix
14, 16, 17, 18, 33) show that deceit and treachery were habitual to
him. He never did anything openly that involved any risk or blame
to himself that he could get another to do for him.

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Even after the time that Clark was stabbing Wilkinson in the
back by secret charges to Jefferson in 1802, he was writing AimiI
13th, 1803, to Wilkinson, *♦♦♦♦♦*♦*♦ "i already look on
my fortime as lost, I am careless of personal danger. Point out
therefore a useful line of conduct for me to pursue, and rely on its
execution. In hopes of hearing from you shortly I subscribe myself
with esteem, dear sir, Your very humble servant, Daniel Clark."

Among other fawning letters as late as Jime 15th, 1806, just
after his election as a delegate to Congress, Clark wrote Wilkinson,
********** **I would likewise thank you for your advice
respecting the part I ought to act in Washington; what people I
should most see; what use can be made of them; how they are to be
acted on, etc., and I coimt on your sending me a few letters which
will serve to introduce me to your friends, so as to procure me on
arrival some acquaintances who will take the trouble of giving me
information. ♦**♦♦♦♦*♦♦ Do not forget to mention to me
the state of the land office in your coimtry ; and the state of the titles
to lands, with the amendments you think necessary, and the land
law." ♦♦♦♦*♦♦♦♦*

'If you have among your books and papers, any history, maps or
plans of your country, or this territory, let me beg of you to send them,
and I promise you to take special care to have them returned safely.
********** Let me hear from you, I beg without delay,
and let me know in what can I be of service to you. Yours sincerely,
Daniel Clark," (Wilkinson's Memoirs, 2nd Vol., App. 75).

Again on September 27th, 1806, Clark wrote Wilkinson, after
calling attention to the poor military condition of New Orleans.

"I know I am entering a thorny path, and shall expect a great
deal of trouble. I would thank you for your advice to direct me;
and if you would give me a line to some of your friends in Congress
disposed to favor or serve Louisiana, you would, afterwards, perhaps,
find your account in it." (Clark's Proofs, etc., p. 156).

Clark again wrote Wilkinson, October 2nd, 1806. (Clark's
Proofs, p. 157):

"Captain Turner told me you expected to see me at Natchitoches,
I have no time to make the journey and return in time to go to the
seat of government, and however strong the desire is of seeing 3rou
on my part I must defer that pleasure till my return next spring."

Yet of this writer, Daniel W. Coxe, his partner, testified at the
trial of Wilkinson in 1811, '1 never considered Mr. Clark and General
Wilkinson as friends, beyond mere appearances, Mr. Clark always

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General James Wilkinson 145

thought illy of the General on account of his Spanish connections,
and never to me (even in confidence) uttered an opinion in his favor."

To show the recklessness and venom that animated Clark
against Wilkinson because the latter was indirectly the cause of pre-
venting his bigamous marriage, in the collection of the mass ot for-
geries and exparte affidavits Clark procured and published as his
proofs, at his own expense and all to gratify his hatred and malice, we
find a suppression of the truth in the first few pages. An affidavit is
published there of Col. John Ballinger, a man of high standing,
stating that he had brought two mule loads of silver from New
Orleans and delivered same to Wilkinson on December 26th, 1789,
at Frankfurt. This was at a date that there was no question as to the
integrity of Wilkinson's dealings at New Orleans. But by publishing
that bald truth without stating the source of the money Clark knew
Wilkinson would be prejudiced with the masses. On Wilkinson's
trial in 1811, Col. BalUnger, was cross examined on this affidavit, and
testified, I carried the money into Frankfurt as openly as I came into
this town; delivered it to Wilkinson in the presence of many persons,
whom I foimd there, some of whom I knew, some of whom I did not
know; that from their conversations I foimd they knew I was coming,
and were waiting my arrival; that they were tobacco planters of
Lincoln coimty, in Kentucky, and were there to receive their money
for tobacco which Wilkinson had purchased of them; for the cargo
of which the money cpnveyed by the wintess was only a part of the
proceeds; and that some disappointment was expressed by them,
because the whole amount of the shipment had not been forwarded
from New Orleans as had been expected."

To show what a degenerate Clark really was, early in 1801 a
a confectioner in New Orleans, named Jerome Des Granges, sailed
for France with letters of introduction from Clark, leaving his very
yoting and beautiful wife, bom Zulime Carriere, to be aided by
Clark's advice.

Evidently Clark became too intinaiate with the confectioner's
wife as he later sent her to Philadelphia, where in April, 1802, a child
was bom to the guilty pair. The child was left in Philadelphia, and
the wife was brought back to meet her husband on his return to New
Orleans, in September, 1802, when strange to say the latter was ar-
rested for bigamy. This was an improvement on King David's
method of getting rid of a husband.

In Gaines vs. Relf (12 Hbward, p. 282), the Supreme Court of
the United States said of this incident:

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"The reports to which these witnesses swear, obviously ori-
ginated with, and were relied on by Madame Desgrange, her sisters
and friends, to harass and drive Desgrange from the country, so that
his wife might indulge herself in the society of Clark, unincum-
bered and unannoyed by the presence of an hiunble and
deserted husband, and this was in fact, accomplished, for Desgrange
did leave the country soon after he was tried for bigamy, and Clark
did set up Desgrange's wife in an handsome establishment, where
their intercourse was imrestrained/'

*ln 1805, when Desgrange again came to New Orleans, his
wife immediately sued him for alimony as above stated; speedily
got judgment against him for $500 per anniun; on the same day
issued execution, and again drove him away.

No proof for bigamy was presented against Des Granges and he
was discharged. Des Granges, however, left New Orleans, and did
not return until 1805, and during his absence, in 1803, Clark secretly
married the grass widow in Philadelphia, and about 1805, in the city
of New Orleans, a child was bom of this marriage; the celebrated
Myra Clark Gaines. The child, while an infant was turned over to
Mr. and Mrs. S. B. Davis, who raised her. She did not learn of her
parentage until many years after the death of her father. On his
visit in 1802 to Philadelphia to see his concubine, Clark found time
to go to Washington and lodge charges, against Wilkinson. In the
case of Myra Clark Gaines vs. the City of New Orleans^ Supreme
Court of United States, 6 Wallace's reports, p. 677, is quoted a letter
from Clark to Chew and Relf, dated February 18th, 1802, which
stated: "I return three or four days from Washington, where I had
an opportunity of seeing the President and officers of the government,
by whom I was well received ***♦♦**♦** it has been
htnted to me that a great deal is expected from my services."

In his message to Congress, dated January 20th, 1808, "Mes-
sages and Papers of President, Vol. 1, p. 437," President Jefferson
says that in 1803, **He, Clark, was listened to freely, and he then de-
livered the letter of Governor Gayoso addressed to himself, and of
which a copy is now communicated. After his return to New Orleans
he forwarded to the Secretary of State other papers with the request
that after their perusal they be burnt,'' (a la Mulligan Letters).

The administration of Jefferson paid no attention to this at-
tempt to defame Wilkinson.

Clark prior to the cession of Louisiana had been United States
vice-consul at New Orleans. He expected an important position
from the President, and failing to receive it grew bitter against the

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General James Wilkinson 147

new regime. Possibly the fact that he had succeeded through him-
self, and in part by parties fraudulently interposed, in obtaining
titles to over 100,000 acres of valuable land from the Spanish regime,
in Louisiana, worth subsequently over ten million dollars, may have
accoimted for his anxiety to be a ruling power in Louisiana. Note
his anxiety on land matters in his last quoted letter to Wilkinson.

Governor Claiborne wrote on Jime 19th, 1805, to President
Jeflferson:

"It may perhaps be to you a matter of curiosity to know the nature
and extent of the party to which I am indebted for those unJfriendly attacks.
I have no hesitation to tell you they proceeded originsdly from the resent-
ment of Mr. Daniel Clark, who conceiving himself entitled to the confidence
of the FVesident, and possibly to some distinguished place in the adminis-
tration here, is mortified to find himself so completely overlooked." Gayarre
Vol. 4, p. 103.

Claiborne said further:

"Such persons from long practice are more conversant with the arts
of intrigue. To what lengths the opposition to me may be carried I know
not, but I am inclined to think that nothing will be left imsaid which can
wound my feelings, and that my public and private character will be cruelly
misrepresented.*'

Randolph also extended his hatred to Claiborne, as Gayarre,
(Vol. 4, p. 131), says:

"In 1806, John Randolph made a most bitter attack on Governor
Claiborne in Congress which the latter much resented. This attack charged
his administration with weakness and imbecility. In 1806 Claiborne again
denounced Daniel Clark as being among the intriguers who opposed him.
Clark from disappointment is greatly soured with the administration and
* unites in doing the Governor here all the injury in his power." Gayarre
4, p. 142.)

''What contributed to increase Claiborne's vexation was the
election of Clark, his personal enemy, as a delegate to Congress about
that time." Gayarre 114.

In the Gaines case, above cited, a reference is made to a duel
between Claiborne and Clark which Gayarre says nothing of.

Upon his election to Congress from New Orleans Clark repaired
to Washington in 1806. He kept his marriage concealed, and posing
in Washington as a man of great fortime proceeded to pay his ad-
dresses to a Miss Caton, a lady of a very prominent family from Balti-
more, at that tune in Annapolis, who subsequently married the Duke
of Leeds. In the Gaines case, on pages 654 and 655, are his letters
to his partner Daniel W. Coxe, about this projected marriage, the
same Coxe who later wrote for Clark, the "Proofs of the Corruption
of Wilkinson."

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148 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Wilkinson being asked at a dinner in Annapolis, about that
time, as to Clark's wealth said he was not a wealthy man, which
statement was overheard by a member of the Caton family.

That Wilkinson's statement was true the U. S. Supreme Court
in the Gaines case, 6th Wallace, p. 689, fifty-nine years later, verifies,
saying:

"That up to the time of Clark's death he had no ready money and was
greatly shortened for want of it; not being able to supply even his mother's
small requirements."

In Wilkinson Memoirs (2nd Volume) he traces Clark's bitter
enmity to this, his remark, as to Clark's fortune. Strange that in
1867, nearly 60 years later, Wilkinson's statements should be thus
verified. In a letter quoted in the Gaines case, from Clark to Coxe,
dated February 14th, 1808, the writer stated as to his courtship, "I
am sorry to have to mention that it not only has not been effected,
but that the affair is forever ended."

Coxe testified in the Gaines case that the engagement was
broken off, because of a demand for marriage settlements by the lady's
family, thus corroborating Wilkinson's statement in his Memoirs
that the marriage was broken off because Clark could not make good
his pretensions of wealth. In the meantime Clark's wife, offended
by his refusal to proclaim her his wife, and offended by her htis-
band's attempt to marry another woman, in August, 1808, married
in Philadelphia a French gentleman named Gardere, Clark not ob-
jecting. (See the Gaines case, p. 656).

Clark died on August 16th, 1813. Owing to his secretiveness
to the last, he made a private will and the same was stolen and de-
stroyed and secondary proof thereof was not successfully made until
1856, over 40 years later. (See successkm of Daniel Clark, 11th
Louisiana Annual Reports p. 124). By the decision of the Louisiana
Supreme Court, Clark's mother was disinherited.

The contest of his daughter to prove her legitimacy was not
however, entirely successful until December, 1867, (see the above
Gaines case in the Supreme Court of the United States) and I, my-
self, remember Mrs. Myra Clark Gaines, as a tottering old woman,
before she began to enjoy the proceeds of the enormous quantity of
valuable lands her father got fh)m Spain.

Clark was a man untrue to the country of his birth; imtrue to
his friends; untrue in his sworn depositions; untrue and deceitful
to the woman he betrayed, as even aiter he made her his wife, he kept
that marriage hidden and allowed her to be considered as his mis-
tress before the world; he was untrue to the woman whom he subse-

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General James Wilkinson- 149

quentiy tried to commit bigamy with and to dishonor; he was im-
tnie even to his own daughter, whose parentage he concealed for
almost all of his life, whom he allowed others to care for and raise,
and whom he subjected by his unnatural, deceitful and depraved dis-
position to suffer almost all of her long life from the unjust imputa-
tion of adulterous bastardy.

No man with a spark of honor or decency would convict any
human being on the testimony of such a degenerate villain.

I desire to call particular attention to the fact that both Clai-
borne and Wilkinson, from the time they came to New Orleans
together in 1803, to the admission of New Orleans as a State were
surroimded by a coterie of powerful French and Spanish enemies;
that New Orleans then extended only from Esplanade to Canal
streets and from the river to Rampart street, not one himdred blocks,
and that New Orleans was then but the size of a modem village.

From 1803 to 1806, when Claiborne expelled the Spanish officers,
he was thrown in contact with all classes of Wilkinson's enemies
and if there had been any fact detrimental to Wilkinson it would
have been impossible for Claiborne not to have learned of it. I now
make public for the first time the private and confidential letters fixmi
Governor Claiborne to Wilkinson in May, Jime and September,
1807, which show that Claiborne had the most imboimded confi-
dence in and regard for Wilkinson and also an abhorrence and con-
tempt for Thomas Power, the principal witness in 1811 against Wil-
kinson. I now cite an original letter from Governor Claiborne to
Wilkinson:

(Private) New Orleans, May 29th, 1807.

Ikar Sir:

In a paper of yesterday General Adair's arrival at Nashville is an-
nounced, and it is added "that he is on his way to this city for the express
purposes of visiting General Wilkinson." Adair must know of Burr's trial
in Richmond and of your summons to attend. If, therefore, he be on his
way hither, it seems to me to be his object to avoid rather than seek you.

A splendid dinner was given on the 27th to the Honorable D. Clark.
Mr. Ed. Livingston (Burr's counsel) presided assisted by Mr. Phil Jones
and the ex-Sheriff George Z. Ross. Among the guests were the Judges
of the Superior Court and Mr. Alexander (another of Burr's lawyers)
Counsellor at Law, the ci-devant mayor of New Orleans and James
Workman^ late Judge of the County of Orleans. The latter spoke in his
paper and said that great was the contrast between this dinner and the
dinner which was given to General Wilkinson*, that at the Clark's function
function that one hundred gentlemen sat down to dinno* but at yours
only thirty could be obtained. In point of numbers they may boast but I
perceive that in point of respectability of character they do not claim pre-
eminence."

I surely hope you had a pleasant voyage and that your arrival in Rich-
mond was sufficiently early to meet the wishes of Government.

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150 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Your friends here are all solicitous to learn the result of Burr's trial
and the favorable impression uihich your conduct when it comes to be explained,
must make on the American Society.

I pray you therefore to keep us adivsed of particulars and to receive
my best wishes for your health, happiness and prop^ierity.

WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE."
"General James Wilkinson."

The next letter from Governor Claiborne to Wilkinson, of which
I produce the original, is marked "Private and Confidential."

'•New Orleans. June 16th, 1807.
"My dear Sir:

You will have heard of my duel with Mr. Clark and the issue: I have
suffered much pain; but the wound has assumed a favorable aspect and I
hope in ten or fifteen days to be enabled to walk. General Adair is still
here and receives great attention from some of oui citizens. I am told
that he is lavish in his abuse of you; but that was to have been expected.

With all my heart do I wish you prosp>eiity and happiness but alike
with myself, I fear you may have some difficult scenes to encounto*.

I have given up the idea of writing a book. It would net assist me
witii my friends and would tend only to make my enemies more bitter. I
think your book also might as well for the present be postponed; we have
both justified ourselves to the President and with that I think we should
be content.

For several reasons I must entreat you in no event to make public
the statement I gave you concerning Mr. J. B. It can be of no service to
you to make it public, and among other effects it might i^obably invdve
my frioid Dr. Fk)od, in a dispute.

It is said that Dr. BoUman will be here in a few days and that Swart-
hout is also expected, I fear. I much fear the danger is not over.

Mr. Clark in his affair with me, acted the part of the gentleman and
the soldier.

I am, dear sir.

Your friend,

WILLIAM C C. CLAIBORNE."
"General James Wilkinson."

The next letter from Governor Claiborne is also marked "Pri-
vate."

New Orleans, June 26th. 1807.
Dear Sir:

I am this moment informed that General Adair is busilv engaged in
obtaining at this place such information in writing as he thinks is best
calculated to injiue you and that nis object is to proceed on to Richmond
in a few days. I know not what documents Adair may have collected but
possibly it may be of some service to you to know, that he is thus employed.

My wound has been vary painful, but is now much better and I hope
to be enabled to walk in ten or twelve days. I sincerdy wish you well.

WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE."
"Gena^ Wilkinson."

The deposition of Lieutenant J. S. Smith of the U. S. Army,
on March 25th, 1807, is published in the Louisiana Gazette of April
10th of that year, in which that officer declares that while Adair
was a prisoner in his charge the latter said that if he had remained
48 hours in New Orleans, it would not have been m the power of Wtl-

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General James Wilkinson 151

hnson to arrest htm. **♦♦*♦♦♦*♦ He further swoi'e he
would take the life of the General at the first opportunity."

The fourth and most important letter of Governor Claiborne
deals largely with the witnesses who were subpoenaed in the Burr
trial, and particularly with the character of one Thomas Powers
whoni Daniel Clark suborned to commit perjury against General
Wilkinson, on his later trial in 1811.

It will be noted that this letter was written years before Governor
Claiborne ever knew that Wilkinson would be tried, or that this man
Powers would be the star witness on Daniel Clark's part against
him.

Powers, Derbigny, Merciere and McDonnough, four out of
the five witnesses Governor Claiborne states in this letter as simi-
moned by Burr, are anti- Wilkinson witnesses whose evidence Clark
has printed in his "Proofs" and Claiborne himself opposing Burr had
just been shot by Clark in a duel.

This letter is as follows:

New Orleans, September 8th, 1807.
'*DearSir>

I thank you for your friendly letter of the 29th, of July. Ashley is
now here, and was the bearer of many blank subpoenas. Thomas Patvers,
Derbigny, Fromentine, a man of the name of Merciere and Mr, Donnough
have been summoned on behalf of Burr. Powers has gone; the other gen-
tleman I learned have forwarded their depo^tions.

Hardin acts, (I understand) as Burr's counsel at Natchez and Livingston
and Alexander in this dty. Thomas Powers has said that if compelled
to tell the truth, he must ruin you; but that he would claim the protection
of the Spanish Minister, and if possible, avoid giving testimony. With
this man Powers, I once had an interview, with a design of obtaining some
particular information relative to certain propositions which he had made ,
to certain persons in Kentucky. I did not attain my object but I clearly
ascertained that Powers was a most unprincipled man and susceptible ofabrib^.
At this same interfiew, I well recollect, that Powers told me General Wilkinson
was not either directly or indirectly concerned in the Spanish business and he
called hts God to witness the truth of what he said.

Oui enemies here continue their exertions to injure us both and will
omit no effort to accomplish their objects; but I trust and believe they can
do us no mjury.

I am, deal sir.

Your friend sincerely,

WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE
'^General James Wilkinson."

It will be noted that these letters evince a respect, esteem and
affection on the part of Governor Claiborne towards Wilkinson,
with whom he was very closely connected, both officially and per-
sonally, and both of whom were the object of the most persistent
and bitter attacks of enemies who were industriously collecting every
scrap of evidence that they could get to injure them.

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152 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

As between Randolph and Clark, the latter was utterly without
principle and much the worst, but both were equally malignant
and laid their plans carefully against Wilkinson. Randolph having
been put in possession of all tJie papers and forgeries in Clark's
hands that he had gathered against Wilkinson, on Deceniber 31st,
1807, sent up these papers (afterwards pronounced forgeries) for the
Clerk of the House to read, and presenting a resolution to instruct
the President of the United States to institute an inquiry into the
conduct of Wilkinson for having "while commander-in-chief of the
armies of the United Staties ccwruptly received money from Spain
or its agents," to create a more dramatic effect, then and there de-
clared, pointing to Clark, that the latter, coerced by the authority
of the House, could give more danming evidence against Wilkinson,"
and Clark (like Powers) in order to falsely appear as a reluctant
accuser, demurred to giving evidence, although both Randolph and
Clark were both full of venom and like snakes were coiled for their
spring.

Wilkinson met this resolution and demanded a court of inquiry,
which was granted by the President, January 2nd, 1808. Both
Randolph and Clark were summoned as witnesses and neither
dared attend the trial, the former because he knew nothing of his own
knowledge, the latter, for the same reason that he had asked Jeffer-
son that his previous papers be burned, dared not submit his forgeries
and scoundrelism to the test of a cross-examination and like a jackal
at the presence of a lion slunk away afraid of the scourging he would
have received. After six months of investigation and delays the
court of inquiry brought Iq a verdict finding Wilkinson not guilty
and further stating *'that he had discharged the duties of his station
with honor to himself and fidelity to his country." This finding was
approved by Thomas Jefferson.

Clark in his "Proofs" claims a letter dated and signed "R. R.",
calling Jefferson "a fool" and Claiborne "a beast" received at Phil-
adelphia by Coxe, his partner, was written in Wilkinson's hand,
and this statement is repeated, but like the story of the three black
crows, the letter is credited directly to Wilkinson, in the Coxe article.
(19 Am. Historical Review).

The main Wilkinson letter to Gayoso published in Clark's
''Proofs," was proven and declared a forgery and was traced to
Powers and Clark by the Wilkinson Court Martial in 1811, Clark
not daring to appear before the tribimal to back his hand-work,
though duly siunmoned.

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Central Jame3 Wilkinson 153

A little thing like ascribing an anonymous letter to Wilkinson
was easy for Clark, however false the charge. Clark knew Wilkinson's
handwriting well, therefore what object could the latter have had in
writing a letter to Coxe, his partner, in his own hand, signed with
fictitious initials and in it abusing his best friend and superior, Jef-
ferson.

On December 2nd, 1808, Wilkinson was ordered by President
Jefferson to assemble almost all the available troops at or near New
Orleans, "and to have such disposition of the troops in that depart-
ment formed as will most effectually enable you to defend New
Orleans against any invading force. — H. Dearborn, Secretary of
War."

Wilkinson does not mention in his memoirs that on his way to
New Orleans he was entrusted by Jefferson with a secret mission to
the Spaniards at Pensacola and Havana, which had for itis object a
possible coalition between Mexico, Cuba and certain South American
colonies, and their later formation into powers independent of Spain.
This was the first attempt at what became later the Monroe Doctrine
in the United States.

Owing to the imsettled conditions in the Spanish possessions
this mission was not a success.

By reason of the delay in these negotiations ai^d because of slow
transportation by sea Wilkinson did not reach New Orleam imtil
April, 1809, where he foimd the troops already assembled many of
them sick and destitute of supplies. It is important to note that
imder Jefferson, the evangelist of peace, the entire army of the
United States had been allowed to. dwindle to 3,000 men, 2,000 of
which were then to be under Wilkinson at New Orleans. To pre-
serve discipline, prevent desertions, and drill his troops, many of
whom had never had proper military training, Wilkinson ordered his
men into encampment at Terre aux Boeufs, a higher and healthier
site than the present New Orleans U. S. Bairacks site, and about
10 miles below the latter.

Mr. Madison had then become President. The greatest warrrior
that ever lived said, "An army travels on its stomach." The present
eflfidency of the greatest military machine that the world has ever
known is due largely to the Kaiser's automobile kitchens. Railroads
and automobiles were then xmknown. The present anxiety over the
use of the railroads for supplies by our army in Mexico shows how
important that branch of the service is. Wilkinson without com-
plaint had for years marched his men through traddeSs forests and
over marshes and unbridged rivers where there were no roads even for

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154 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

wiigons or carts, and had made no muimiir, but he bitterly complains
in his Memoirs of the miserable state of his commissary where his
men were dying and even the medicines the doctors ordered were not
supplied. One fact entirely overlooked by historians deserves care-
ful notice. Gayarre says, Vol. 4, p. 224:

"Claiborne in 1810, in consequence of the ravages of yellow
fever during the previous year, recommended the legislature to make a
sanitary code." Now it is a grave mistake to suppose that yellow
fever does not spread to the country. The old original home of my
grand father on the Pointe Celeste plantation, 40 miles below New
Orleans, was burned down by its owner to kill the yellow fever
germs of several persons who died there some time after the civil
war. Mosquitoes also produce malarial fevers. We had then no
Reed or Goethals, but Wilkinson finding the mosquitoes bad in his
camp made a lengthy report to the Honorable Wm. Eustis, Secretary,
of War, dated May 12th, 1809, in which among other things he said:

'The troops are without bunks or berths to repose on or mosqxiito
nets to protect them against that pestiferous insect with which this country
abound^; these accommodations are absolutely necessary not only to the
comfort but the health and even the lives of the men, but they have not
been provided yet."

The penurious administration of Madison let an army suffer
and die all simimer, in spite of Wilkinson's solemn warning, because
they were too ignorant and mean to protect that' army from disease
and death. The report of the Hospital supplies, appendix CV of
Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. 2nd, shows on hand, "106 bed sacks, 75
sheets, 8 mattresses, 89 blankets and 35 mosquito bars," and this
for an army of 2,000 soldiers. No bars were provided, and even re-
quisitions for delicacies, ordered by the surgeons for the sick, were
refused by Mr. Eustis, Secretary of War.

See official document, Wilkinson Memoirs, Vol. S, 354, which
says:

"These under the existing "fifty dollar order" (the utmost that he could
spend) "cannot be procured because they would cost at least ten thousand
dollars; the men must therefore suffer, until some different arrangement
is delivered. *****♦****"

New Orleans was not well sewered, leveed and drained arti-
ficially then, as it is now, and was imdoubtedly at that time a very
imhealthy place.

The French Government had just before that time lost an
army in San Domingo by yellow fever from mosquitoes, Mosqui^
toes vanquished the French and cost them thousands of lives before
they abandoned the construction of the Panama Canal. In the

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General James Wilkinson 155

country below New Orleans common humanity still requires in sum-
mer the screening of stables and hen houses. In August, 1809, the
hottest month of our southern sununer, Wilkinson was ordered to
move his army up to Fort Adams, which, to use the laconic expres-
sion of one of the surgeons made the **sick die and the well sick." On
account of this mortality, which his enemies took advantage of to
hold him responsible for, Wilkinson was ordered to report at Wash-
ington and to surrender his command to General Hampton.

Wilkinson arrived in Washington April 17th, 1810. Two com-
mittees of the House of Representatives had then been appointed,
one to inquire into the cause of mortality among the troops that he
had recently conmianded, and the other with powers to investigate
his public life, character and conduct. Randolph and his partisans
by this means sought to evade a judicial inquiry and under shelter
of an ex parte inquiry, held out of Wilkinson's presence, to collect a
mass of informal, unauthentic and hearsay evidence, which, being
sent throughout the tmion as parts of congressional records, would
blacken Wilkinson's character, and so poison the public mind against
him that he would be ruined. This was kept for two sessions by four
committees, Wilkinson, all the time demanding a hearing by court
martial. The effect of this poisonous attack on the public mind
overreached itself. The public began to ask why, if Wilkinson was
guilty, as pretended, he was not prosecuted. In vain Wilkinson was
asked by the Secretary of War to return and let these scandals die out.
To every appeal his answer was, **I am innocent and wish to face
my enemies."

On J\me 14th, 1811, the President was forced to order a court
martial to try him, to assemble the 1st Monday in September, 1811.
Thirty-one counts, which no doubt both Randolph, Clark and the
latter's hired informers, aided in preparing, were specified in the
charges against Wilkinson. Facing these charges, some of which
were pimishable with death, without coimsel, which he was probably
too poor to employ, the old veteran with the same courage with which
he had sailed down to New Orleans to brave alone the hostility of
Spain, faced an entire hostile administration and Congress, and with-
out technicality pleaded not guilty.

In spite of the fact tJiat every serious charge against him was
then barred by the statute of limitations, he disdained such shelter;
in spite of the fact that he had been acquitted by a previous court
of inquiry of every serious charge in this new indictment and imder
the Constitution of the United States could not be twice put in jeop-
ardy, for the same offense, he did not plead autrefois acquis; in spite

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of the provision in the Constitution of the United States that in a
criminal trial the acctised and the witnesses must be brotight face
to face, and he, a scholar, knew it, he allowed the whole record of the
Burr trial, to which he was not a party, the entire ex parte evidence
and proceedings before four committees of Congress, largely hearsay
evidence, to be introduced, and during the trial which last«l for over
four months in which he denounced Clark for a perjurer, forgerer
and scoundrel, in which he produced witness after witness to prove
that both Daniel Clark and his venal dependant, Thomas Powers,
were unworthy of belief, Clark did not dare to appear and testify
in open court. Not satisfied with defaming Wilkinson through con-
gressional reports, Clark previous to this trial had procured Daniel
W. Coxe, his partner and two other parties to write a book called the
"Proofs of the Corruption of General Wilkinson," which he had
published at his own expense, yet when called upon afterwards to
make good his proofs Clark crawled like a snake into his hole.

It is true that an ex parte ajBidavit, filed by him in the shdta:
of a congressional committee room, was handed over to the court
martial with other conunittee records. Knowing full well that it
would be strange that he, posing as such a noble patriot, should
have kept such important evidence as he testified to, locked in his
bosom so long, Clark, in his carefully prepared statement, sworn to
January Uth, 1808, stated:

"At the periods spoken of and ior some time afterwards, I was
resident in the Spani^ territory, subject to the Spanish laws, and
without an expectation of becoming a citizen of the United States,
My obligations were then to conceal and not to conmitmicate to the
government of the United States the projects and entaprisesi which
I have mentioned of General Wilkinson, and the Spanish Govern-
ment."

When he made this ajBidavit Louisiana had been American
territory over four years.

Clark did not know when he made this 4eposition, that Presi-
dent Jefferson would by special message to Congress on January
20th, 1808, nine days later than Clark's deposition, prove that he was
a perjurer and that while he was a citizen of ^)ain had tried to stab
Wilkiison in the back, and then to have the weapons he did it with
destroyed.

I do not propose to quote the many complimentary and fawning
letters that Clark had written to Wilkinson before, after and during
the times he charged the latter with wrong doing; I do not propose
to cite the testimony of the many prominent men that Clark had

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General James Wilkinson 157

previously told that Wilkinson was innocent of these charges; I do
not propose to cite the evidence of the witnesses that testified Clark
was the most malignant of men, as these are all set out in Wilkinson's
Memoirs, (2nd Volume.) Suffice it, that the members of the court
martial, in their finding, stated that Clark was impeached, which
meant that he could not be believed under oath. Clark's star witness,
Thomas Powers, arrived after the evidence was closed. At Wilkinson's
request the case was reopened and Powers permitted to testify.
His evidence was entirely shattered. Since his depositions have
been quoted and relied on by some historians, I mention that Capt.
John Bowyer, Silas Dinsmore and Governor Claiborne testified that
Powers had declared to them that Wilkinson was innocent. Wil-
kinson further produced a voluntary written and signed statement,
dated May 16tJi, 1807, and enclosed to him by Powers long after
the incidents that Powers, who was later suborned by Clark narrated,
which statement began:

"I, Thomas Powers, of the city of New Orleans, moved solely by a sense
of justice and the desire to prevent my name being employed to sanction
groundless slanders, do most solemnly declare that I have at no time carried
or delivered to General James Wilkinson from the government of Spain
or any other persons in the service of said government bills of money specie
or other property."

This statement further absolves Wilkinson from any connection
with Powers' mission to Kentucky in behalf of Spain.

On February 6th, 1803, Thomas Powers had written Wilkinson
a fawning and obsequious letter concluding:

"I respect your virtue, admire your imderstanding, reverence and
esteem your character and shall ever be proud of your friendship not only
as an honor but an ornament."

Wilkinson further produced the depositions of Major G. C.
Russell, Geo. Mather, and William Wikoff, Jr., that the character of
Thomas Powers was ii;ifamous, as he was generally known as a venal
dependent of Clark. The court martial in its reasons for verdict
declared in its report, that Thomas Powers, like Daniel Clark, was
unworthy of belief. The court martial delivered its lengthy verdict
Christmas Day, 1811. We cite only a few passages from it:

"It appears evident to the court that in 1795 a considerable sum of
money was due to General Wilkinson from the Spanish government at
New Orleans on accoimt of his conmxercial transactions. This ciramistance
is deemed sufficient to account for such parts of said correspondence as
have been proved which was apparently to preserve the friendship of the
officers and agents of the Spanish power to magnify the importance of
General Wilkinson in their view; to secure his property then under their
control in New Orleans; and to facilitate its remittance from that place

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It is pertinent to remark, that if attempts were made to abrupt
the patriotism and integrity of General Wilkinson, the records of this court
exhibit no one act of military life which can by the most constrained con-
struction be conskiered as the effect of that constructkjn. If Geno^ Wil-
kinson actually formed a corrupt oonnectk)n with the Spanish government,
the repeated application made by him many years ago for an mquiry into
his conduct, appear rather inexplicable especially as many of the witnesses
of his guilt, if he was Jjuilty, then lived to testify on that subject.

On the whole, the court thinks it proper to declare, that from a com-

Sarison of all the testimony. General Wilkinson, appears to have performed
is various and complicated duties with zeal and fidelity and merits the
approbation of his cotmtiy. (Signed) P. Gansevoort, Brigadier General
presiding."

This decision was reluctantly approved by Wilkinson's enemy,
President Madison, on February 14th, 1812, a month and a half
after rendition.

**But," says, Mr. Gayarre, "newly discovered evidence warrants
a rearraignment of General Wilkinson's memory at least before the
bar of history."

It is an axiom in both civil and criminal law that to discover
truth, trials should be prompt. The statute of limitation is of divine
origin (15 Deuteronomy) and is based on that axiom. Similar docu-
ments to those that Gayarre cites, from both Governor Carondelet
and Gayoso, were produced, examined and pronounced forgeries at
Wilkinson's trial. The whole new evidence cited are similar letters,
and copies of Wilkinson's alleged letters deciphered, translated into
another tongue, and then retranslated back into English.

When Wilkinson was tried, Gayoso and the Baron de Carondelet
were both dead, and Miro had gone back to Spain. Whether in the
deciphering of these letters, or their translations into Spanish, they
were not added to, to justify the leeching process by which these
Spanish officials magnified their own importance, and were ever
bleeding the home government, I know not, and neither did Gayarre.
The Americans were to the Spaniards then what the Gringos are to
Mexicans today, and Gayarre certainly has vented much ill will
against Wilkinson.

The first rule as to evidence to prove a fact is, that the witness
produced must be a credible person. I have previously shown the
misuse and waste by the Spanish Governors of the fimds of the
colony of Louisiana, and even the "honest" Miro was charged with
embezzlement after he left by the Spanish Intendant.

(See Gayarre Vol. 3).

Hbward's History of the Purchase of Louisiana, says, p. 51,
that in 1786 Governor Miro spent $3(X),(XX).(X) in inflaming the
Indians against the Americans. Miro imdoubtedly shared in Wil-

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General James Wilkinson 159

kinson's ventures. Gilberto Leonard, the Spanish Treasurer, was
also interested as in his letter about the last payment to Wilkinson
in 1796, for the condemned tobacco, which was the last money Wil-
kinson ever received from Spain, as shown clearly on his trial, he
asked Wilkinson not to let it be known that he was so interested.

To show how prone the Spaniards were to. fraud, when it was
noised abroad in 1803 that Louisiana had been ceded to France and
negotiations for its purchase were on by the United States, the Spanish
rulers, knowing that private land titles would probably be respected,
attempted to niake a large nimiber of antedated grants and back
them by fictitious surveys.

In the American State Papers ''Public Lands" Vol. 8, pp. 835-6,
the United States Commissioners adopted a report:

"That the frequency of these land grants at the dose of the Spanish
government furnishes strong evidence of fiaud ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ These
antedated concessions bear date in the naost part in 1799 and 1800, for the
purpose of covering up matters and preserving fair appearances."

It is not so long since in Louisiana that a law was passed against
padding dead head pay rolls. It is a favorite device of the average
ward politician to get money in elections for alleged pensionaires,
which money he keeps for himself.

The French Prefect Laussat wrote home of Louisiana in 1803,
"I will now proceed to show how justice is administered here, which
is worse than in Turkey."

United States Consul Clark wrote to Washington in 1803; **A11
the officers plunder when t|ie opportunity offers, they are all venal
from the Governor down." (Howard's Purchase of Louisiana, p.
127).

Havana, Cuba, was the parent colony to which the Louisiana
and Pensacola Colonies reported.

In the Ostend Manifesto of October 18th, 1854, the American

Commissioners, James Buchanan, N. J. Mason and Pierre Soule,

the latter at one time United States Senator from Louisiana, in

recommending the purchase of Cuba saidj

'The irresponsible agents sent by Spain to govern Cuba, ♦♦•♦♦•
are tempted to improve the brief oppoitunity thus offorded to accumulate
fortunes by the basest means."

General Fitzhugh Lee in his History of Cuba's Struggle Against
Spain, says (p. 100):

"The Spanish Governor who made the highest record at home was he
who wrung from the Cuban the greatest amount of gold ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦•
(p. 107). "Arbitrary governors and swarms of officials, military and poli-
tical, were always quartered on the people with the imiform hope of return-
ing to Spain rich with the spoils of vice.' *'

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160 The Louisiana Historical Qtiarterly

General Lee says, (p. 118):

"While the Cubans were daily growing poorer the Spanish officials
were increasing their private fortunes ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦* xhe govern-
ment offices in a short time became the property of the highest bidder."
********** Such was the corruption in the collection of duties
that in 1887 the Havana Customhouse was cleared at the point of the
bayonet by Captain General Marin."

A greater one than "Wilkinson has said, "A tree is judged by its
fruits." The Tahnud says "deeds speak louder than words," and
whether in the revolutionary war, the Indian wars, at Sabine River,
Natchez, Mobile or New Orleans, Wilkinson in no single act ever
wavered in bravely doing his full duty by his country.

Wilkinson to the day of his death was comparatively poor.
I saw only recently at Pointe-a-la-Hache the original of an act by
which he bought a portion of the present Live Oak Grove Plantation,
25 miles below the dty of New Oirleans for fourteen hundred dollars,
of which he paid only four himdred dollars in cash. This purchase
was made from Dufour Freres on December 28th, 1818.

I again repeat that no fair or just man would convict an Ameri-
can General, who uniformly opposed them, on the unsworn and ex-
parte statements of his Spanish enemies whom he uniformly opposed.

Wilkinson after his acquittal by this court martial was ordered
to take charge of and place the defenses of the city of New Orleans
in order, which he did.

Martin sajrs, (p. 256):

"On the 12th of February 1813 Congress authorized the President
of the United States to occupy and hold that part of West Florida lying
west of the River Perdido not then in the possession of the United States.
Orders for this purpose were sent to ll^kinson who immediately took meas-
ures with Commodore Shaw and the necessary equipment being made
the forces employed in this service reached the vicinity of Fort Charlotte
between the 7th and 8th of April having on their way dispossessed a Spanish
guard on Dauphin Island and intercepted a Spanish transport having
on board detachments of artillery with mimitions of war. Eton Gayetano
Perez, who commanded in Fort Charlotte received the first information of
Wilkinson's approach from his drums. The place was strong and wdl
supplied with artillery but the garrisMi consisted of 150 effective men
only and was destitute of provisions. Don Gayetano capitulated on the
13th. The garrison was sent to Pensacola. The artillery of the fort was re-
tained; with part of it Wilkinson established a new fort at Mobile Point
He left Colonel Constant in charge of Fort Charlotte and returned to New
Orleans, which he left a few days after, being ordered to join the army on
the frontiers of Canada."

On his way to Canada he stopped at Washington and conferred
with Secretary of War Armstrong. His advice as to the projected
campaign was rejected, and the plans of the War Department for an
attack on Montreal was adopted.

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Gmeial James Wilkinson 161

In the wars of 1812 the blame for the many failures of the
American land forces has never been placed where it properly be-
longs, that is on the War Department of the Madison administra-
tion. The war of 1812 was most impopular in the northern States.
William J, Bryan was not more of a peace at any price leader, than
was Thomas Jeflferson, who permitted the army of the United States
to shrink to 3,000 men, and as small as this force was, the arms,
ammxmition and general equipment under both Jeflferson and Madi-
son, were infinitely more meager. Twenty-nine years had elapsed
between the end of the revolutionary war and the beginning of the
war of 1812, and during this time both Jeflferson and Madison had
acted on the beUef that eternal peace was the heritage of this coimtry .

During twenty years of this time, the British were largely
engaged against the greatest general the world had ever known, and
both their army and navy had vastly improved. The raw recruits
sent against the flower of the British veterans, in the war of 1812,
were poorly drilled and trained and were worse equipped and fed.

Secretary of War Armstrong, under President Madison, was
utterly ineflBdent. Moreover the French, who had greatly helped
the Americans in the revolutionary war and Spain and Holland tiiat
indirectly helped them were not our friends in 1812, and even if they
had been, the battle of Waterloo had been in eflfect fought at Trafal-
gar, 10 years previous to the latter, the French fleets were destroyed,
and England was then, as now, the mistress of the seas. I do not
propose to describe General Hull's campaign, surrender and subse-
quent court martial and condemnation to be shot for cowardice; nor
the unsuccessful campaigns of Generals Dearborn, Van Rensselear
and Smyth; nor the cowardly and abject surrender of the city of
Washington and the burning of the capitol there by the British,
since these are matters of well known history. Nor do I propose to
dwell at any length on how Wilkinson was ordered to go to Sacketts
Harbor and take charge there of raw levies of undisciplined troops,
with which he was subsequently to conduct a winter campaign in
Canada. Canada is a far colder section than Valley Forge, where
Washington had to seek winter quarters with his army. Winter
overcame even Napoleon at Moscow. Wilkinson's army was largely
sick, miserably equipped and with hardly any clothing, arms or
food; the boats to transport them were insuflftcient and many of them
unseaworthy; the army imder General Wade Hampton also refused
to join and cooperate with him, as they had originally been ordered
to do, and owing to Secretary Armstrong's vacillating policy, they
were not forced to obey this order. Added to all this Wilkinson, then

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S7 years old, had been for years fighting, marching, counter-march-
ing and itmning boundaries, in the revolutionary wars, in Indian
campaigns and in the wilds and swamps of Georgia, Mississippi and
Lomsiana, and his health had broken down, and he not only asked
to be relieved of his conmiand but his surgeon also certified to Secre-
tary of War Armstrong that he was ill and there was a necessity of
his being relieved, which was not done. Much of the time then
Wilkinson was on a sick bed with the army, and the failure of his
campaign was due as much to ''the infantry of the snow and the
cav^ry of the wild^blast" as to the failure of General Wade Hamptcm
to cooperate with him, and his lack of supplies. In order to shift the
re^xmsibility of the failure of this campaign from the shoulders of
his war secretary, charges were preferred by President Madison's
coders involving inefficiency and drunkenness while on duty against
Major General Wilkinson. After a trial before a court martial last-
ing nearly two months, on March 21st, 1815, Wilkinson was honor-
ably acquitted on all charges, and President Madison approved the
finding of the court martial.

One of these charges against Wilkinson was for dnmkeimess.
In those days many leading men were hard drinkers and before
studying the record I was under the impression that Wilkinson,
like many Kentuckians, might have been too much addicted to li-
quor, but after reading the evidence taken on that court martial,
which is carefully quoted verbatim in Wilkinson's Memoirs, 3rd
Voltmie, I find that evidence completely disproved this charge,
even his attending surgeon testifying that Wilkinson was then
abstemious as to liquor and opposed to its xise in the army, and the
court martial, in its verdict specifically f oimd he was not guilty of each
and every charge, including the charge of dnmkenness.

Wilkinson at the conclusion of the war in 1815 left the army
and came to Louisiana, where he engaged in planting on the Missis-
sippi river below New Orleans, and where his descendants, to the
foiuth generations, are still to be foimd. The same lure of the wild
that called such Kentuckians as Wallace, Crockett, and Houston,
to go over into Texas, tempted Wilkinson to go there himself at an
earlier date, about 1823. Lands were to be had then for almost
nothing in Texas and he went down to the City of Mexico, that
had jurisdiction over Texas, to enter titles to certain of these lands.
Like many men, who begin life yoimg, and endure many hardships, he
had by that time worn out a naturally strong and rugged constitution,
and falling sick died near the City of Mexico in 1825 at 68 years of

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General James Wilkinson 163

age. His grave is situated in the Baptist Ceiuetery in the City of
Mexico.

It may be possible that Wilkinson, who seems to have been
somewhat garrulous and sometimes quarrelsome, may have been
reckless and indiscreet in his utterances. Edward iV, in his
remorse at a brother's murder is made to cry out, "He slew no man,
his fault was thought, and yet his pimishment was bitter death."
Men are not usually condemned for what they think but what they
do, and on what he did Wilkinson was an able and true soldier of the
republic.

Wilkinson, while Jiving, valued his reputation more than his
life. From his scanty means he had publi^ed three large volumes
in his own defense which are quoted as an authority of his times by
a greatt many authors. The Roman centurion, when on trial, had a
right to bare his breast and call on his judges to note the wounds he
had suffered for his coimtry's sake. Wilkinson is the only American
officer that ever led the forces of this imited country from the St.
Lawrence to the Sabine River, and whether in the revolutiw, the
Indian wars, or in his campaigns against Spain, he discharged his
duties, as his court martial said, "with honor to himself and fidelity
to his coimtry."

If some of the writers who love to denounce him in their com-
fortable studies, could have endured all the hardships and exposures
that Wilkinson did on his many campaigns, wars and explorations;
if they had risked their lives, as often as he did, against British and
Spanish enemies and in trackless wilds against the more cruel Indians, ,
all in services and defense of their country and its people, they would
not have been so willing to condemn him.

No public writer has given Wilkinson credit for the principal
work of his life.

I have shown that he had hardly set foot in the west, before
he began a comprehensive study of the Mississippi Valley. During
his travels, by every means in his power, he was obtaining maps
and information as to the west. Acting, imder his instructions,
Nolan, his agent, in his trips through West Louisiana and Texas,
brought him maps of these sections. He was prior to 1800 repeatedly
consulted as to the geography of the west by Jefferson's adminis-
tration and by public men, Clark included.

Surveys in Georgia and Mississippi were made by him. Partly
owing to his activities the Lewis and Clark surveys were begun in

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164 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

1803, and continued long after, during his command of the depart-
ment of the west. Professor Cox says:

"Wilkinson sent to Jefferson in 1804 a 22 page memorial describing
the coimtry between the Mississippi and the Rio Grande accompanied by
22 maps."

American Historical Review, Vol. 19, p. 809 (Wilkinson to
Dearborn July 13th, 1804, and enclosures).

"It is likely that this information caused the President to modify the
instructions already issued to our envoys at Madrid, and to insist more
strongly on our boundary claims, (same article).

(American State Papers foreign relations, 627 et seq.)

How wonderfully Spain benefited from such work!

In the last edition of the ''Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike,"

by Elliot Coues, that author. Preface VI, says of the Lewis and

Clark and Pike expeditions:

"Both expeditions originated with the commander-in-chief of the
army (Wilkinson), both were as strictly military in method as in purpose."

All that Pike accomplished "was incidental to Wilkinson's
main aim."

On July 30th, 1805, Zebulon M. Pike was detached for this
service. The author adds:

"His selection for the duty by Wilkinson was the beginning of
all his greatness."

These expeditions of a few men through boimdless western
wilds among hostile savages and Spaniards showed great courage.
Wilkinson's son James was with Pike, and is the first American officer
who ever traced the Arkansas river from its source. He reached
New Orleans in time to see his mother, Mrs. Ann Wilkinson, the
devoted wife of General Wilkinson, die there, February 23rd, 1807.

Pike acted under General Wilkinson and the orders to him from
the latter show great skill in engineering and a good knowledge of
astronomy. These orders led Pike too close to the Spanish posses-
sions and he was arrested by the Spaniards and taken to Chihauhua,
where he arrived April 2nd, 1807. He was subsequently released.
In his journal, he says, that he talked with the Spaniards about the
Sabine compromise of October, 1806, about which Wilkinson is at-
tacked by Burr historians, some of whom have the temerity to claim
that Wilkinson was bribed by Herrara:

"Notwithstanding the vice roy's orders and the commandant General
Gov. Cordero's, which were to attack the Americans Herrara had the te-
merity to enter into the agreement with General Wilkinson which at present
exists relative to the boundaries of our frontier.

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General James Wilkinson 165

On his return Herrara was received with coolness by his superiors,
'I experienced/ said Herrara, *the most unhappy period of my life, conscious
that I served my country faithfully though I had violated every principle
of miHtary duty.' " (Vol. 2, p. 703).

Above is an extract from Pike's diary written at a date shortly
after the Sabine compromise.

These surveys of Wilkinson, of Lewis and Clark and of Pike
were the first plans laid for the future greatness of this coxmtry from
the Alleghanies to the Pacific slope, and though in the capital at
Washington the picture of "westward the star of Empire takes its
way" attracts all visitors, the leader of the wise men who first fol-
lowed that star in this coimtry has been given no share of the credit
for his great work.

But there is another reason why Wilkinson has the right to
demand justice at the hands of his people. His only brother, Joseph
Wilkinson, was a general in the revolutionary war; his son, my grand
father, Joseph B. Wilkinson, was an officer in the navy and served
under Bainbridge in the Mediterranean and under Perry in 1812 on
the great lakes; his second son, James Wilkinson, was a captain in
the United States army and tJie latter's son, Theophilus, was an
artillery officer in that service; his grandson. Major Robert A. Wil-
kinson of the Confederate army, was killed at the second battle of
Manassas; his great grandson, J. B. Penrose, was later killed in the
same war; three other grandsons, including my eldest brother, Jos.
B. Wilkinson, Jr., fought on the same side; his eldest son, my grand-
father, then nearly 80 yiears of age, and the latter's son, my father,
were both put m prison by the Federals for aiding the South.

I remember a little over 44 years ago, when a lad, I was here
charging Kellog's infantry entrenched in this very Cabildo, and two
years later I was in the 14th of September fight of 1874. General
Wilkinson's great great grandson, Lieutenant Theodore S. Wilkinson,
Jr., of the United States Navy was some years ago the honor graduate
at Annapolis and wears today a medal on his breast for a gallant
charge in the recent capture of Vera Cruz.

For five generations Wilkinson and his descendants have served
and suffered for their country's sake and he, and they, deserve
something better of that coimtry than slander and calumny.

Wilkinson, like Sir John Moore, has answered the reveille of the
great beyond and his dreamless dust rests in a far off land.

But for his coimtry's sake, that he loved, for history's sake that
honors truths I present this imperfect contribution to the memory
of an able soldier and a patriotic statesman.

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166 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Appendix added by Louisiana Historical Society:

LETTER FROM THE MAYCMl OF NEW (CLEANS TO
BRIGADIER GENERAL JAMES WILKINSON

General:

We have witnessed your conduct at the time of Burr's con^iracy and
the proceedings instituted by the District Court have opened our eyes to
the treacherous aims of the conspirators, thanks to the enerey and zeal
that you displayed in the time of trouble, the inhabitants of New Orleans
were saved from pillage and the United States from civil war.

Enemies have assailed you with malicious calunmiep, that your actions
have proved false. They have solicited and obtained from the government
the institution of a court martial to prosecute an officer whose only crime
was, to have resisted all temptation.

Disappointed to see that the decision of the tribunal has rendered
homage to your honour assailed, and has turned on the accusers an eternal
shame; those same people are trying today to influence public opinion in
preaching in profusion all sorts of ridiculous and false anecdotes that
they had published in detail in the Gazette pages.

Notwithstanding the proof given by the decision of the tribunal, that,
false publication. General, will receive the fate it deserves. It will be looked
upon in this territory by aU honest men as the monstrous fruit of madness
and the last efiforts of a foolish ambition that they forever have k»st and
that opini<Mi will be shared by the citizens from the northern States when
they will have learned of the infamous libel and when they see the unin-
terrupted confidence with which you have been honored by the virtuous
Jefferson and his illustrious predecessors.

Please receive. General, the expression of esteem and gratitude of the
corporation of New Orleans; be assured that in whate\'er circumstances
it will please divine providence to place you, we will always take the deepest
interest in your welfare and happiness.

Signed CHARS. THES. POREE.
President Pro tempore and the Members of the Council.
Oct. 4th, 1809.

Translated from the original on file in the Library of Louisiana
State Museum.

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t' 5 2. z.

C5^. t>

The Louisiana
Historical Quarterly

Vol. 1, No. 3. January 8, 1918.

BIENVILLE NUMBER

Published Quarterly by

THE LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

CABILDO, NEW ORLEANS, LA.

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The Louisiana
Historical Quarterly

Vol I. No 3

January 8, 1918

Entered to the second class of mail matter June 6, 1917, at the post-office at New Orleans, La.,
under Act ot August 24, 1912.

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OFFICERS

OP THE

LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

CASPAR CUSACHS, President.

JOHN DYMOND, First Vice-President.

WILLIAM KERNAN DART. Second Vice-President

HENRY RENSHAW. Third Vice-President.

W. O. HART, Treasurer.

MISS GRACE KING, Recording Secretary.

BUSSIERE ROUEN, Corresponding Secretary-Librarian.

Executive Committee

John Dymond, Chairman; Caspar Cusachs, William K. Dart, Henry Renshaw,
W. O. Hart, Miss Crace King, and Bussiere Rouen.

Membership Committee

H. J. de la Vergne, Chairman; Miss Emma Zacharie and George Koppel.
Work and Archives Committee

Caspar Cusachs, Chairman; Miss Grace King, Robert Glenk, W. O. Hart
T. P. Thompson and A. B. Booth,

Editor Historical Quarterly

JOHN DYMOND, Cabildo, New Orleans.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Volume I, No. 3. January 8, 1918

Concerning this Bienville Number 5

Bi-Centennial of the Founding of New Orleans 13

Consul General of France's Address. 9

Bi-Centennial Celebration in France 18

Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 39

New Orleans Under Bienville... 54

Sidelights on Louisiana History 87

Contest for Ecclesiastical Supremacy in the Mis^ssippi Valley 154

Early Episodes in Louisiana History 190

First Official Y\z^ of the City of New Orleans « 210

Raising the American Flag in Jackson Square, January 8, 1918 212

Le Spectacle de la Rue St. Pierre ^ 215

Abstracts from CMd Historic Papers 224

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BIENVILLE'S SEAL

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CONCERNING TfflS BIENVILLE NUMBER

As Bienville's genius for good government made him the comer-
stone on which the settlement of the great valley of the Mississippi
was built, be having made sure France's control of this t^tory,
reaching from the Gtilf of Mexico to the Great Lakes and from which
territory we have carved out many of the present most progressive
States of the Federal Union, it would seem most fit that the bi-cen-
tennial of the foimding of New Orleans by Bienville shotild be cele-
brated by the Louisiana Historical Society.

In this our conferes in France, although engaged in the greatest
war ever known really led the way by celebrating on their own part
the same event, choosing as they did the date, October 24, 1717,
on which the King of France, Louis XIV signed the order making
Bienville again Governor of Louisiana, and directing his return to
Louisiana to again take up the work of development of this French
Empire in the New World.

The Louisiana Historical Society has therefore dedicated this
issue, of its quarterly to the memory of Bienville who, the records
will show, was the chief factor in the foimding of New Orleans,
establishing adequate military and police control, pacifying the
Indians, securing settlers and developing such agriculture as seemed
most fit, and doing all these things with a degree of success impara-
lelled in American history, and tmappreciated imtil now, two himdred
years later when the people of France as well as ourselves look with
admiration and appreciation on Bienville's herioc figure as through
the records we follow him during the two score years in which he
devoted himself to his beloved Louisiana.

In order to emulate here the proposed programme of the pro-
posed celebration in Paris of the founding of New Orleans, the New
Orleans bi-centenary Celebration Committee was created to take
charge of the whole work of which the Honorable Martin Behrman,
Mayor of New Orleans was made chairman, and Mr. T. P. Thomp-
son, Vice-President of the Louisiana. Historical Society, was made
chairman of the Celebration Committee's Executive Committee*

This committee arranged a preliminary ^programme to corres-
pond with the date to be utilized in France viz: October 24, 1917,
and this was carried out with much success on that date in the City
Hall in New Orleans. A brilliant mtisical program was provided;
Mr. Thompson delivered his address on the Bi-Centennial of the
founding of New Orleans which appears in this' issue; HonoraUe
E. F. Zenoyer de Boumety, Consul General of France in New Orleans,
ddivered an address in French and Miss Grace King the well known
^ble and accurate historian of all phases of life in Louisiana, read,
**Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville," which appear in this
issue.

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6 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

It was contemplated to hold the Bi-Centennial celebration of the
founding of New Orleans on the two hundredth anniversary of the
date on. which Bienville gave orders to proceed therewith, viz: Feb-
ruary 9th, 1918, the ceremonies to include the following two days.
The ceremonies were to include a military mass in the cathednd,
civic and military parades. With the near approach of the return
of the committee sent to France to participate in the celebration
there, it was annoimced that the Bishop of Orleans found it impossi-
ble to come to New Orleans at the bi-centennial date, other engage-
ments demanding his presence in France, at that time. Further,
the great St. Louis Cathedral at Jackson Square, New Orleans, imder-
going imperative repairs these were found impossible of ccmipletion
at that date. Considering all these facts the New Orleans Bi-Cen-
tenary Celebration Committee postponed the proposed celebration
for the present. Doubtless the gravity of the war situation in Europe,
and the great part that our own country is taking therein were also
factors leading to this postponement.

The notable reception our Louisiana del^ation received in
France is fully recounted in the delegation's official report made
upon its return to New Orleans and now published in full in this
issue of the Louisiana Historical Quarterly. The enthusiasm with
which our Louisiana delegation was received in France, its recognition
of the ties that bind our nations together, and which have so boimd
them from the days of Washington, Lafayette and Rochambeau,
still bind them together in these days of Wilson, Pershing, Poincarre,
Joflfre and Foch. The American army in Europe may enable the
Ftench and English to dictate on the banks of the Rhine the terms of
any anning peace, just as Rochambeau and Lafayette aided George
Washington at Yorktown in 1781 in securing such peace as completed
the independence of the American colonies.

To add to our knowledge of Bienville's life in New Orleans
Madame Heloise Htilse Cruzat, one of New Orleans' most accom-
plished French scholars, has made a considerable study of the ar-
chives of the period, now in the possession of the Louisiana Historical
Society, and from the original data thus secured she has written the
article on "New Orleans Under Bienville," which appears in this
issue. In her reseach work many odd items have been secured,
and from these she has chosen a nxmiber which we now publish
under the general title of '^Sidelights on Louisiana History," Many
quaint items will be found therein and those of us who have lived
here most of our lives or all of our lives, will be prof otmdly impressed
with the progress Louisiana has made during- these two centiuies.
Some of the old customs and modes of life remain with us to the pres-
ent day.

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Concerning this Bienville Number 7

Quebec in the north, and New Orleans in the south, the two ex-
tremes of French settlements in America are now much visited by
travelers and dealers in antiques have so many orders that it is
rumored that here, as in Europe, the dealers are compelled to manu-
facture antiques to order, as the demand for them is greater than the
supply. Medical men will be interested in the experiences of Louisiana
doctors of 200 years ago. The penalties inflicted for crimes remind us
of the old law of the Hebrews, an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.
At least the man who sold dog and cat meat as wild game, was put
on parade with his crimes placarded on his breast.

It will be foimd that the Mississippi river levees becanie at once
matters of great interest 200 years ago, and disputes as to the rights
of individuals and as to the natural water courses arose at once.
What would Bienville, or the people of his day say, could they see
the splendid levee system now existing and maintained in the Mis-
sissippi Valley.?

.As the Louisiana of those days reached from the Gulf of Mexico
to the Great Lakes and included mineral stores the search for them was
maintained and lead mines were quite a feature.

Slave labor was in vogue and negroes were freely imported and
freely sold. Such was the case throughout all the colonies that now
comprise the U. S. Federal Union. Some Indians were enslaved
and were bought and sold, but that phase of hiunan slavery never
developed to any large proportions. The Indians do not seem to
have been sufficiently docile for satisfactory enslavement.

An interesting feature of this issue is Dr. Bispham's accoimt of
the rivalry of two great branches of the Catholic church for ecclesias-
tical control of Louisiana. The common motive to the rivals was the
religious and educational development of all the people, the natives
included. Dr. Bispham is a careful student and writer and his con-
tribution to the literature of this epoch is a valuable one.

Mr. William Keman Dart, one of our younger histcMical writers,
and one of the Vice-Presidents of our society contributes an essay
on "Early episodes in Louisiana History," in which Mr. Dart cites
authority and makes no claim to original research but does give us
much interesting matter and particularly his accoimt of the Massa-
cres of the settlers by the Natchez Indians. The Indians here in the
Western world were fire worshippers, and sim worshippers, appar-
ently similar to the worship of liie disciples of Zoroaster or Zara-
thrushta in ancient Persia. These Natchez Indians seem to have
been of a higher grade than the average American Indian, and the
data given concerning them in this Bienville number of our quarterly
we hope will excite more interest in them.

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8 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Miss Nellie Warner Price's (now Mrs. L. R. Graham) contribu-
tion of "La Spectacle-de la rue St. Pierre," will be found interesting
and attractive and suggests what a mine of data lies dormant among
us today which requires only earnest and careful work to bring
these data out in attractive form and in such form as will lead us to a
better appreciation of the work done by Bienville and by his succes-
sors during the last two centuries.

We give in this issue a full account of New Orleans' recently
adopted official flag. The details of the work of the committee in
charge of the many designs shown and of the difficulties foimd in
reaching a final conclusion as to the merits of the designs and the
final division of the honors between two designers and the raising
of the flag in Jackson Square in January 8, 1918.

An immense quantity of historical material lies in the archives of
the historical society not yet classified. In this issue we give some
thirty pages of abstracts from these official papers which to those
who can read between the lines clearly show the trials and the tor-
tures, as well as the peccadilloes of the men and women who began
our civilization in this then new Western world, which civilization
has attained its present high level during these two centuries and we
believe shows to all the world that we in America have chosen the
best lines for national progression.

These papers are all suggestive of the work the Louisiana His-
torical Society is engaged in. It occupies a field fuller of romance
and tragedy, of successes and of failures, of joys secured and of sor-
rows realized, than does any other section of our country. The
Society asks all those interested in any wise in these matters to lend
a hand and to aid in the good cause of perpetuating Louisiana's
splendid history.

The Cabildo wherein we are housed is itself a constant reminder
of the chief events of the last two centuries. The portraits of the
chief actors in Louisiana's history for two hundred year$ are there
displayed. The first hundred years reaches from Bienville to Napoleon
Bonaparte and Thomas Jefferson, covering the French and Spanish
domination, the second, from Thomas Jefferson to Woodrow Wilson
covering the acquisition of Louisiana by Thomas Jefferson, covering
the wars of 1812, of 1846, the Civil War and now reaching to the
European War of which the end is not yet.

Again we may say, lend a hand and. make our Louisiana Historical
Society the chief of its kind.

JOHN DYMOND, Editor.

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The Louisiana
Historical Quarterly

Vol. 1, No, 3 January 8, 1918

ADDRESS OF HON. E. F, GENOYER DE BOURNETY
CONSUL-GENERAL OF FRANCE

Discours de M. E. F. Genoyer:

Monsieur le Matte, Messieurs les Membres du Canseil Municipal et du **Bi-Centennial
Committee,*'

Mesdames et Messieurs:

Je demande k vous dire quel honneur et quel plaisir c'est pour moi, de me trouver
aujourd'hui au milieu de vous dans raccueillante maison municipale de cette grande
belle cit6 et d'ltre appel6 k prendre la parole devant une aussi sympathique assistance,
en des circonstances particuli^ement flatteuses pour le repr6sentant k la Nouvelle
Orleans du Gouvemement de la R6publique FVangaise.

Mes sentiments de reconnaissance vont tout sp^cialement vers le premier
magistrat de la ville, dont le nom, devenu id synonyme d'aflfabilit6 accueillante
invoque, dans tous les Etats de TUnion aussi bien qu'en Louisiane, Timage prototype
de Tadministrateur municipal parfait, du Maire 6nergique, qui, entre mille autres
bonnes habitudes, possMe celle, bien pratique, de toujours r^ussir dans ce qu'il entre-
[Hrend.

Nous savions que* I'Honorable Martin Behrman ne laissait; jamais 6chapper
une occasion de nous t^moigner sa sympathie et la sollicitude dont il est anim6 k
regard de notre colonie; mais, aussi habitu6 que Ton puisse gtre aux attentions d61i-
cates, elles ne laissent pas cependant de toujours vous faire le plus grand plaisir:
Quand, acceptant I'invitation qui lui 6tait adress6e par la ville de Paris, votre Maire
envoya en France une d616gation de N6o-Orl6anais choisis parmi les notabilit6s les
plus distingu^ pour repr6senter la Municipality aux f^tes du Bi-Centenaire de la
Nouvelle Orl6ans nous en fOmes certainement tr^ fiatt^; nous sommes aujoiird'hui
tr^ touches de llieiu-euse id6e qu'il a eue de nous convier k une reunion destin6e k
marquer la communaut6 de pensie qui anime nos deux peuples, afin que les c6r6monies
frangaises aient leur 6cho imm^diat sur les rives du Mississip. Je suis heureux de
Toccasion qui m'est ofiferte de Ten remerder publiquement.

Aujoiird'hui, k cette mSme heure qui nous trouve r6unis id, Paris est en fftte,
Paris la ville lumi^ dont Tfeclatant prestige moral, artistique, litt6raire et sdentifique
ne peut §tre temi^par les t^n^bres de llieiu-e pr6sente. Paris la dapitale intellectuelle
du monde, a, pour un jour, d6pouill6 les v^tements sombres et rev^tu ses atours, —

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(

10 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

parce qu'aujoiird'hui Paris c^^bre joyeuaement ranniversaire de sa soeur d'Am^que
de cette perle Louisianaise qui fiit elle aussi line fille de France, fille ch6rie et choy6e,
jamais oubli6e bien qu'dle ai dd quitter sa famiUe d'origine pour entrer dans la grande
famille Am^caine, unissant ainsi k tout jamais nos deux nations.

Et certes, Messieurs, le Gouvemement et le peuple-frangais ont raison d'aina
se r6jouir. C'est avec fiert6 que nous, enfants de France, rest^s dans la vieille patrie
d'oil nos aieux communs virent partir Bienville et ces pionniers qui avec lui vinrent
porter sur les .c6tes du grand Golfe les bienfaits de la civilisation £urop6enne, nous
pouvons tendre la main k nos cousins am^cains et admirer Toeuvre ^cdbmplie
par les fils d^ andens colons. Sur la plage oii il y ^ deux cents ans d^barqu^ent les
compagnons de Jean Baptiste Lemoine, ]k oil ne se trouvaient alors que dunes de sable et
marais, Tindustrie humaine, la perseverance et Tintelligence d'ufi pei^le jeune et
6nergique ont fait naltre une ville que est devenue la m^tropole du Sud de TUnion
et une des cit^s les plus actives et prosp^res du monde. ... A Itieure de son quad-
ruple jubil6, la Nouvelle Orleans se doit de relever orgueilleusement sa velle t^te de
puissante cr6ole, car elle a le droit d'etre fi^re de chacune des deux cents ann6es de
son existence, ann6es toujours bien empby6es puisqu'il nous est permis d'admirer
aujourd'hui le merveilleux rfsultat de ses efforts: cette belle et riche dte ^ commer-
Cante et prosp^re, allant toujours de Tavant, grdce k I'impulsion que lui donne sans
cesse Tadministration munidpale actuelle si ^nergique et avis6e.

Mais, Mesdames et Messieurs, en ce jour, ff^kce aux drconstances h^n^ues
des ann6es tragiques que nous vivons, la calibration parisienne sort des limites tout
d'abord assignees et devient nous manifestation nationale. Certes, en tout temps, il
nous aurait 6te pr^deux k nous autres Frangais de France de f^ter la Nouvelle Orleans,
son Bi-Centenaire, sa prosperity actuelle et ses touchants souvenirs; mais, TaurioDS
nous fait cependant avec autant d'enthousiasme et d'^motion reconnaissante, si,
derriere la deputation dvile que vous nous avez envoyee, n'apparaissaient les uni-
formes kakis des l^ons americaines?. . lis soiit venus vos tiers jeunes hommes; les
voyez-vous debarquer en France, prouvant k Tunivers attentif que la democratic du
Nouveau Monde ne pouvait pas rester sourde k Tappd des defenseurs du bon droit et
de la justice? lis arrivent sur la terre gauloise, consdents de leur role glorieux, pr€ts
k donner leurs vies pour que la dvilisation latine qui leur fiit appcntee il y il deux
dedes par le sieur de Bienville ne perisse pas ^ sa sourqe meme. lis savent que sur
le champ d'honneur toutes les dettes d'amour et de gratitude seront payees, et leur
coeur fremit k Tunisson de tous les cpeurs fran^ais, alc»rs qu'en llionneur des amis de
toujours et des nouveaux allies la France enti^re raisonne d'uii joyeux vivat.

Montrons que nous les comprenons, que novis sommes dignes des sacrifices
qu'ils se preparent k accomplir, en unissant les deux grades democraties dont nous
sommes si fiers d'etre les enfants dans le meme cri de nos poitrines et de nos coeurs:

"Vive TAmerique, ^ve la France."

" Honor abk Mayor, Members of the Bi-CerUennial CommiUee,
Ladies and Gentlemen:
**l wish to express the great honor and great pleasure it is fcMr me to be present
today in the munidpal building of this great and beautiful dty and to be requested
to speak before such a sympathetic assembly on the occasion of circumstances parti-
cularly flattering for the government's representative of the French republic in New
Orleans. I wish to extend, very particularly, expressions of gratitude to the first
magistrate of the dty whose name, synonymous of great affability, has acquired in
all the States of the Union, as well as in Louisiana, the prototype picture of the per-

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Address of Consul Genoyer 11

feet, municipal administrator, the energetic Mayor who, with a thousand other
good qualities, possesses the practical one of being always successful in every-
thing he undertakes.

"We all know that the Honorable Martin Behrman never overlooked the least
importunity to express the sympathy and sdidtiide which animate him in regard to
our cdony . But, as accustomed as we can be to delicate and thoughtful attention, they
never fail, however, to arouse, always the greatest pleasure. When accepting the invita-
tion which was addressed to him by the City of Paris, your Mayw sent to France, a
del^ation of New Orleanians chosen from among the most distinguished and notable
men to represent the municipality at the celebration of the Bi-Centennial of New
Orleans, w^ were certainly most highly flattered.

"We are, today, deei^y touched by the happy idea he had to invite us to a re-
union destined to express our communion of thoughts, which animates the people
of our two nations so that the French celebration would have a spontaneous echo on
the banks of the great Mississippi. I am happy of the (^portunity which is aff^ded
me to thank him publicly.

"Today, at the same hour at which we are here imited, Paris is rejoicing. Paris,
the luminous city, with its brilliant moral, artistic, literary and scientific prestige,
cannot be tarnished by the circumstances of the present hoiu*. Paris, the intellectual
capital of the world, has for this day discarded her somber vestments and has donned
her brilliant attire. Paris is triumphantly celebrating the anniversary of her sister
of America, of the Louisianian pearl which was also a daughter of France, a cherished
and most beloved daughter never fcnrgotten, although she was separated fix>m her
original family to enter in the great American family, thus uniting forever our two
nations.

"And indeed, gentlemen of the government, the French people have a right to
rejoice; it is with pride that we. natives of France left in the mother land descen-
dants of the compatriots of Bienville and of the pioneers who with him, came and
brought on the coast of the great gulf, the benefits of the European civilization, we
can extend the hand to our American cousins and admire the work accomplished by
the sons of the ancient cok>nists, on the bank on which 200 years ago, landed Jean
Baptiste Lemoine; there where nothing could be found but sand and marshes. The
human industry, the perseverance and the intelligence of a people, young and energetic,
have i»xMnoted the growth of a dty which is now the metropolis of the South of the
Union and one of the most active and most prosperous cities of the world.

"At the hour of her double jubilee. New Orleans can raise proudly her beauti-
ful head because she has the right to be proud of each of the 200 years of her exis-
tence, years always well employed, and we are permitted to admire today, the mar-
velous results of her efforts — that beautiful, bountiful and rich city so commercial
and prospo-ous, always going forward, due to the impulsion which is incessantly
given her by the triumphal administration, so wise and so energetic.

"But, ladies and gentlemen, due on this day to the heroic circumstances of the
tragic years we are living, the Parisian celebration leaves, at first, the limits assigned
and becomes a national manifestation. Certainly at all times it would have been
most precious for us— Frenchmen of France — to celebrate the fotmding of New
Orleans, her Bi-Centennial, her actual prosperity and her touching souvenirs, how-
ever, would we have done so, with so much enthusiasm and gratifying emotion if,
beyond the dvil ddegation you have sent, did not appear the khaki uniform of the
American Legion?

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12 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

"They have arrived — ^your proud young men. Do you see them landing in
France, giving to the attentive univerae that the democracy of the new world
could not remain dxmib at the appeal of Justice? They arrived on the Gaulian Land,
and conscious of this glorious role, ready to give their lives that the Latin civilization
which was brought to them two centuries ago by Sieur de Bienville does not perish
at its source; they know that on the battlefidd of honor, all the debts of love and
gratitude will be said and their hearts beat in unis(»i with all the hearts of France.
Now, in honor of her friends, forever, and of the new allies, Ftance in its entirety is
jubilant and rejoiciiig today.

"Let us prove that we are wwthy of the great sacrifice they are preparing to
accomplish in uniting the two democracies of which we are so i»x>ud to be the chil-
dren — ^with the same feelings in our hearts and in our whole beings let us exclaim:

"Vive America; Vive la France."

Delivered in French and translated by Mrs. Victc»ia Mermillod Jones.

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BI-CENTENNIAL OF NEW ORLEANS
OCTOBER 24, 1917.

By T. P. Thompson.
{Delivered by him at the Bi-centennial meetings New Orleans,
October 24, 1917.)

It would seem that the Creator of this world made instinct the
ultimate and logiical Western trend of its population. He started
its peopling in Asia, and with this plan of their eventual migration
Westward, how necessary it was that there should be formed for
man's last assembling place, a habitat of nature's best resources.

This objective of the strongest and the proven was located in a
temperate zone, and a great belt of varied soil with proper topography
was provided, and kept virgin for the eventual occupancy of God's
fittest.

Thus was wonderfully fashioned the great basin of the Western
Continent, and in charge of it, temporarily, were placed. the original
foresters, — ^a simple people, — ^the Indians, — to await the slow grind-
ing of God's mills, imtU the final development of the earth's most
finished product, — ^man, — ^into a Democracy.

Many charts and maps were drawn during the first three hundred
years following the discovery by Columbus of this new Western
world, showing the location of its natives and the distribution as they
came, of these new people who pioneered from Europe.

When time was at last ripe, and the spirit of seventy-six sprang
into existence, there was, as yet, but a narrow strip of what is now
known as Atlantic seaboard peopled by whites. Plantations of im-
known depths, reaching back into dark forests, where the red man
awaited to be relieved of his curatorship; to be pxished b^ck and seg-
regated into selected reservations. Today they yet remain with us,
and are witnesses to the care and providential disposition which the
Merciful Father ordained, as a means by which there should be de-
livered to this best beloved and most favored sons, this paradise of
plenty, — ^the Mississippi Valley, — ^held long years for Democracy's
tritimphant habitat during the final millenixmi, before our last reckon-
ing and reward.

"Armageddon! One thousand years of Peace! then Heaven, all
iot a perfected people." Thus reads the Scriptures, Our interpre-
tation would take it that the great Western Valley of the Mighty

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14 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Mississippi is the last training ground of God's chosen, — ^the heart
of a world's Democracy!

It has been the part of Bienville and his successors who had
charge of the mouth of the Mississippi river, to render a peculiar
service to the perfected American nation, as we know it today.

The original French settlers of Louisiana were the pioneers
princeps of this Southern Gateway. They "builded better than they
knew," — ^they served, and today we must honor them, — ^their bravery
and loyalty to duty as they conceived it, for it was their indomitable
courage and tenacity which enabled them to maintain organizaticm,
to fight disease, starvation, and the Indian, as well as jealous Euro-
peans, who would, but for them, have usurped and colonized for their
own kings this fair valley.

We may not say that the early French knew that they were
furthering the cause of liberty and democracy while they held to this
fair valley. From LaSalle, on through Iberville and Bienville to
Aubrey,— from 1682 to 1769, but the strike made in 1769 by liberty
loving de Noyan and others, indicated that Freedom's air was being
scented, soon to be demonstrated at Mecklenburg and Lexington by
pioneers of democracy, more numerous and mature.

We desire today to draw attention to the service rendered our
present nation of 100,000,000 freemen, by those whom Providence
originally had placed in this delta, and who maintained for nearly
one hxmdred years, the guardianship of this great South Gate of the
future American Republic.

. The United States could not today be a power of the first-class,
if it had not also been for France and Frenchmen, all moving accord-
ing to their lights towards the same goal, mankind's freedom: Mar-
quette, LaSalle, Tonty, Iberville, Bienville, Louis XIV, the Duke of
Orleans, Louis XV, Napoleon, Lafayette, Rochambeau, and many
more, did their part in the evolution and logical working-out process,
which today is concreted into the American nation.

DeTocqueville, nearly a himdred years ago, predicted the future
of Louisiana, saying: "The Valley of the Mississippi is, upon the
whole, the most magnificent dwelling place prepared by God for man's
abode," a prophecy by a French sociologist and historian, who seems
to have foreseen the day of democracy's championship, as expressed
by Woodrow Wilson, the student of history, who now leads America.

The Spanish were the Original discoverers of the River, — but
theirs was a search for gold, and it remained for the Jesuit Missionary,
Marquette, and Joliet, the merchant, to begin things in 1672, with
their pioneer journey to the mouth of the Arkansas. LaSalle was

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Bicentennial of Founding of New Orleans 15

commissioned by France, ten years later, to take possession and to
build forts for the protection of Louisiana, which he had named in
honor of Louis XIV and Anne of Austria.

Then came the redoubtable Lemoyne brothers, Iberville and
Bienville, — ^who colonized. His elder brothers having died, it was
Bienville's part to carry on for France this Western province, and
whsxi challenged by Captain Barr and Coxe of Carolina on the
waters of the Mississippi, his already located iort, and his authoritative
voice in response, quieted for the time the first menace to the in-
fant settlement of the lower valley.

Two himdred years ago, today, in Paris, there met the Western
Company, headed by John Law, recently organized to exploit the
trade and colonization of the Province of Louisiana, which had been
claimed for the Crown of France by LaSalle thirty-five years before.
Iberville had been sent in 1698 to colonize and set up government,
and his successors had tried several sites for a capital: Dauphin
Island, Mobile and Biloxi.

A letter was read at this meeting by D'Artaguette. It was from
the faithful Bienville, and it told of a crescent bjend in the Father of
Waters, where Lake Ponchartrain almost reached the river through
bayou St. John, a place about halfway by water between Mobile and
Natchez, recently located, easy of access, and safe from tidal wave
and hurricane.

Bienville had, by seventeen years of residence, learned intimately
the country, and he asked authority to set up the seat of government
on the Mississippi river.

His advice was acted upon, and a Cross of St. Louis sent him
with the Commission of Governor-General of Louisiana. These
honors he received on February 9th, 1718, — ^the bi-centenary of which
we are shortly to celebrate.

The Province of Louisiana comprised then all terrain drained by
the Mississippi and its tributaries. This meant a stretch of coxmtry
from Lake Chatauqua to Yellowstone Park, larger than France
and continental Europe, today holding a population of some sixty
million people, the purest of Americans, democracy's most stalwart
manhood.

Bienville was authorized by the John Law Company to manage
its interest, and the Regent of Prance conmiissioned him Governor
of the Province, — ^all on this day, two hundred years ago, in Paris.
The Ehike of Orleans, then in control, gave great credit to the inde-
fatigable Bienville, and Bienville, in February following, named the
infant capital in honor of his house, "Orleans." This appellation.

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16 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

prefixed by "Nouvelle," gives it a title of great significance, and an
intimate pseudonym we like is: "Paris of America." We have ever
tried to live up to this name with our Opera and Carnival, our cuisine
and shops, and our seriously gay poptdation, who combine, consist-
ently, industry with the pleasure of living, who go to church and who
give staunch support today to our great Republic. Loyal and liberty
loving, under one — the only Flag— yet fond of traditions that lead
back to France, to which our hearts yearn in sympathy this day.

Bienville located New Orleans, gave the name and laid out the
Vieux Carr6. He governed benignly and in a most fatherly way.
He asked that a school faculty be sent over, also nurses for a hospital.
He invited these noble ladies — the Ursulines — ^to occupy his house
while their Convent was being built, a knightly offer, which they
accepted, he moving to smaller quarters for the three years involved.
Later, that the coimtry might be made social, as well as civil, he
asked France to send over wives for his colonists. That the menace
of Indians should not stop this progress, he campaigned against the
Natchez in several battles, conquering and dispersing this warlike
tribe, and pushing on to the Chickasaw nation, helping in the French
Indian wars, and doing continuous and valiant service in the peopling
of the Mississippi Valley, also in the promotion of friendly relations
with the Choctaws; not forgetting to placate and to establish proper
trade relations with our Spanish neighbors. In short, Bienville was
a business man, a diplomat, a Christian gentleman ccwnbined, and a
soldier in this country for fifty-six years. A long active life time, this,
with all of his thought and energy directed towards the care of his
early settlements at the mouth of the Mississippi. He lived to see the
finiition of his plans and the proper organization of colonial govern-
ment, with peaceful conditions established with Indian and Spaniard,
all now ready for the great changes which the settlement of the upper
valley was bringing, and the wonderful river traffic that ^jras shortly to
begin, and which soon made New Orleans a great world's port;

The flat boat commerce was just beginning to appear when
Bienville retired to France because of increasing age. Louisiana was
shortly after his departure transferred to Spain. This was in 1763.
The people did not desire to change flags. They stood for either
France or Democracy. An earnest appeal was made to Bienville,
whl was now in Paris.

Le Moyne's best work was to seek the King and to beg to secure
from harm his faithful subjects in Louisiana. To his last day, full of
faith in New Orleans, this founder and builder of the Crescent City,

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Bicentennial of Founding of New Orleans 17

expressed his fatherly love and fidelity to our small, but nobly con-
ceived capital.

The first blood of martyrdom to freedom's cause in America,
happened as a consequence of the King's failure to take Bienville's
advice. The Spanish came and our people rebelled, and the spirit
of Democracy in America had its embryo suggestion here at the mouth
of the Mississippi.

The Bi-Centennial of the founding of New Orleans by Bienville
will be celebrated in February next in our city.

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BI-CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION IN PARIS

OF THE FOUNDING OF

NEW ORLEANS-

(In one of the Official Municpal Bulletins of the City of Paris^
November 11, 1917.)

Reception at the City Hall of Paris of the
New Orleans Representatives.

The municipality received at the City Hall at 3 p. m. on the
26th day of October, 1917, the Hon. Andr6 Lafargue, chairman of the
delegation from New Orleans and his colleagues: General Behan,
and Messrs. VergnoUe and Paul Villere, who had come to Paris for
the celebration of the Bi-Centennial of the foimding of New Orleans.

Mr. Frazier, Secretary of the United States Embassy, represent-
ing His Excellency, Ambassador Sharp, (who was ill).

General Allaire, representing General Pershing, Commander-in-
Chief of the American troops in France.

Mr. Hanotaux, former minister, President of the French-Ameri-
can Committee.

Mr. d'Estoumdles de Constant, Senator.

Commander Mahan, military attachee of the United States
Embassy.

Mr. Hovelaque, President of the Bi-centennial committee of the
foimding of New Orleans.

Professor Baldwin.

Mr. B. J. Shoninger, former President of the American Chamber
of Conmierce, Paris.

Mr. Lawrence V. Bennet, President of the American Club of
Paris.

Mr. Frederick Allen, American Marine Lieutenant.

Mr. Vidal de la Blache, member of the Institute.

Mr. Gaston Deschamps.

Mr. le Vicomte d'Avenel.

Mr. John Labusquiere, former Mimicipal Coimcillor of Paris,
Director of the German and the Bernard Palissy schools.

Mr. Abel Lafleur, author of the medal which was to be offered to
the city of Paris by the New Orleans Mimicipality.

Mr. Jaray, director of the France- American Review.

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 19

These personages on their arrival at the City Hall, were led to the
cabinet of the President of the Municipal Council, where they were
received by:

Mr. Ambroise Rendu, vice-president of the Municipal Council,
replacing President Adrien Mithouard (who was ill.)

Mr. Delanney, Prefect of the Seine.

Mr. Hudelo, Prefect of Police.

Mr. Deslandes, President of the General Council.

Messrs. Lalon, Pointel, Fiancette, secretaries of the Municipal
Coxincil.

Messrs. Ernest Gay, Mayer, Froment-Meurice, Delavenne, vice-
presidents of the General Council.

Messrs. Fontaine, Aucoc, Delpech, Loyan, secretaries of the
General Coimcil.

Mr. Andre Gent, syndic of both Councils.

Messrs. Achille, Alpy, d'Andigne, Chausse, Cherioux, Dausset,
Deville, Dherbecourt, Henaflfe, Lallement, Lamprie, Le Corbeiller, Le
Menuet, Levee, Paris, Peuch, Ranvier, Rebeillard, Municipal Coun-
cillors.

Messrs. Bachelet, Guibourg, Marin, Vandrin, General Coimcillors.
The directors of the Prefecture of Police; Colonel Lanty, commanding
the legion of the Republican Guard.

The representatives of the municipal press after apposing their
signature in the Golden Book, and the personages present, preceded
by the ushers of the Mimicipal Coimcil, and accompanied by the
representatives of the municipality of Paris went to the salon des
Lettres, Sciences et Arts, where the following addresses were delivered.

Address by Mr. Ambroise Rendu, vice-president of the Mimicipal
Council:

Ctnilemen:

My first words must voice regret. The Ambassador of the United States,
who had promised to honor this reunion with his presence is unfortunately absent,
kept away by sickness, which we all hope will be of short duration. I must then,
before tendering my thanks and homage to the New Orleans Delegation, express
in the name of all, the regret for Ambassador's absence.

Gentlemen Delegates:
Orleans 1429, New Orleans 1718!

These names and these dates, at an interval of three centuries, are inscribed
in our annals and in our hearts.

Before the towers of Orleans, just as Dimois had sounded the retreat Jeanne
cried out: "The banner touches the wall. Bold and enter, all is ours." And never
was flock of birds seen to alight more swiftly in a thicket than these men went up the
said bulwarks.

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20 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

These few lines of the chronicler show the return of fortune which was to re-
store to France her territory and her rank.

"The year one thousand four himdred and twenty-nine," writes Christine de
Pisan, "the sun shone again."

And it was the sun again rising for France, when her children, a swarm vigor-
ous and bold, went to found beyond the Atlantic, a new "Orleans."

The race had grown, its power was established by as many exploits as master-
pieces and it overflowed on the New World.

Bienville, the founder of the young dty, placed it south of St. Louis, another
French town on the Mississippi. Do I need to say what she is today? But can we
not also affirm that the entry of the Americans in the arena, in 1917, made new stars
shine in our darkened sky? With them fortune returned to us, and many victories
demonstrate that French blood is still warm and generous.

Of this you are judges, gentlemen delegates from New Orleans, and I may
greet you as fellow citizens who reenter their mother-country.

You are also the offspring of that race of brave men who never despaired even
in the sombre days of history and who have embellished it with the superb pages
which are the marvel of the world.

Facing that past common to us both we may be proud of those great ancestors
who freed the invaded soil with Jeaime d'Arc, who went to plant the banner of France
in far and immense regicms hardly wrenched from savage nations; who sixty years
later, with Montcalm, Lafayette, Rochambeau, and so many others, brought their
sword to liberate the United States.

Without overpride can we not declare that our country has always been the
champion of great causes, as well during the war of a hundred years as during the
struggles for American independence, and in the sublime epopee which lasts since
three years. (Applause.)

Be also proud, gentlemen, of this country from which you issue and who wel-
comed your soldiers as brothers too long separated. Our imion is the token of our
success: it insures the triumph of right and liberty now as in times past.

You have said it in your letter of introduction and I caimot do better than
copy it:

"Our delegation will consider it a pleasure and an honor to wait on you upon
our arrival in Paris. We are commissioned by His Honor, the Mayor, to tell
you how much New Orleans finds the moment propitious to affirm once more the lofty
and legitimate pride it feels in reason of its French origin. As a matter of course
New Orleans cannot lose sight of the fact that what constitutes the subtle charm and
special culture of New Orleans comes to her from France, from that France who
more than ever astonishes the whole world, amazes and dazzles it by its spirit of
valiance and sacrifice. What thanks we owe you! My dear Colleagues, allow me to
speak of our guests, the New Orleans delegates, who have been well chosen. They
represent every branch of municipal activity.

On this score they will be good advisers and we shall be pleased to show them
everything beautiful and useful made in our great city.

Besides, what need have they of guides? Here, as in their home, the streets,
and avenues bear familiar names: Chartres, Royale, Dauphine, Dumaine, LaHarpe,
Laperouse, Lafayette, les Champs Elysees.

In Paris they are in their beautiful city, as we too would feel at home in theirs
if the war did not prevent our making plans and our responding to their most cordial
invitation.

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 21

I now wish to mention this detail which will not escape our amiable and saga-
cious visitors: Paris is established on a bend of the Seine and this position gives it
quays and ports. New Orleans was placed by its ingenious founder on the crescent
of the Mississippi, from this its prodigiotis development; and there, as well as here,
it is French they speak. Perhaps our cousins of Louisiana have preserved, as in Cana-
da, the strong outlines of the language of the 17th century which has altered much in
the mother-country.

Besides what signify shades when the same Mood makes their hearts beat.
We speak the same language ^nce we have the same thoughts and the same ideal.
(Good! Good!)

Gentlemen delegates: In our city you are as in your own home. Paris recog-
nizes you as its own, and I am more proud than I can say to have been chosen as the
interpreter of the day. Be assured that I very imperfectly express our affectionate
feelings. (Applause.)

Visit then the industrious and fecimd hive of which the city hall is the centre
of attraction. Mimidpal life never slackens, and in the worst days it was not removed.

It remains but to welcome you and to make you visit the city hall, in the ab-
sence of the President, whom fatigue has temporarily kept away, and whose echo
lam.

The entire municipal council, the conscript fathers, as well as the youth held
at the front, all imite with me in fraternally lK>lding out our hands. How can we
best thank you for your visit and the voyage which you have not feared to undertake
at the risk of so much fatigue and real dangers. Such testimonies are never forgot-
ten and are the seal of an enduring friendship, and I shall add a definite allianoe
between us.

Gentlemen of New Orleans, cmce more, "Thank You." (Applause.)

Address by Mr. Delaney, Prefect of the Seine:

Centlemen:

Welcome to the City Hall of Paris.

We have already received from yoiu- great country a thousand proofs of sym*
pathy, this one touches us more intimately perhaps. It comes from a city which
bears the name of an old provincial metropolis of ours; our language resounds in your
streets and in your public places, and we do not ignwe the fact that among you
there are hearts beating for France, not as a friend, but as a venerated ancestor.
Yes our friendship is delicate and profound and it draws its strength as much from
the past as from the present, reciprocal esteem enriches and fosters it, but what
makes it dear and ennobles it rests on cult of memory. (Applause.)

We then celebrate with pride common to both the origin of your beautiful
and powerful dty, which under a sky radiant with light and joy, unites the exuber-
ance of the tropics and the graces of cities of the sun to the most and modem and
methodical organization, harmoniously combining the most different civilizations,
taking from the Latin world its imagination and its vivacity and retaining the Anglo-
Saxon coolness, perseverance and preciseness; 2fad we must also commemorate the
creativeness of the first pioneers from France who laid the base of the solid edifice,
whose vailant energy, initiative spirit, and profound faith in the future we love to
recaU. (Good! Good!)

The immense and mysterious solitudes of Louisiana, the grand and majestic
course of the Missisappi brought to their minds the thought of a marvelous future.
What imagination, however, could have risen to the foresight of actual reality.

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22 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

What our pioneers could not foresee is the entire American continent fecundated ,
one hundred million free men addicted, under just laws, to perfecting life, a himdred
prodigious cities bustling with activity, the initiative- spirit always on the alert, the
countless instances of invention and daring held up to the admiration df the world,
brilliant, intellectual culture united to material prosperity, in fine, gentlemen, an
admirable consciousness of the moral solidarity of himianity in that great people
standing for the defense of right. (Applause.)

New world! Gentlemen, we hold that word as a symbol. A day will come,
perhaps soon, when that name will no longer be given to your continent which took
the best frc»n the ancient and left her, alas, the sadness of sanguinary strife. The
new world! Our united soldiers already descry it beyond the trenches: it is concord
delivered from evil powers and founded on respect for eternal justice."

Address by Mr. Hudelo, Prefect of Police :

Centlemen:

But a few mcmths have elapsed since the day that the United States, by Presi-
dent Wilson's voice, announced to the world that it entered the ranks of the defenders
of right and liberty. We have already experienced how much strength and grandeur
such a resolution carried with it; for this war fcmnidable by the number of men therein
engaged, and by the power of the material for combat, this war was to carry down to
history the spectacle of a nation sending beyond the sea citizens coldly resolute,
conscious of liieir duty towards humanity, and crossing thousands and thousands of
kilometers over the Atlantic to become the guardians of the fire which shed its
light on free nations; You have come with the proud qualities of your race, your
lungs filled with the pure air of your plains, your mind sustained by the practical
and useful formiilas of your cities, with hardened muscles and ardent hearts. You
have come to us who were never more deserving of the name of old world, since there
was still in this world a people sufficiently attached to the forms of the first centuries
to halt the flowery bloom of a civilization of peace under hatred, by fire and blood.

Yoiu- General in Chief, your officers, your soldiers have met a vibrant welcome
in Paris. They traversed the dty between two living hedges; they received acclama-
tion in which mingled the gloved hand of the woman of the world, the laugh of the
''musette," and the reflection of the "gavroche." In our city veiled by the shadow
of mourning they threw flowers to yoiu* fellow citizens, and fathers, mothers, and
children who had made the most bitter sacrifice to their country, found at the pass-
ing of the American troops a smile of gratitude and hope. (Applause.)

This beautiful attitude of our Parisian crowd, so prompt to give itsdf to those
it loves, will not astonish you, gentlemen, who on the American continent omtinue
the traditions of our Latin «oil. Does not your presence here today prove this?

It did not suffice that you sent soldiers, expression of the will to vanquish the
enemy's pretensions of conquest; you were to bring fresh assurance of the fraternity
of fedings which animate the two republics, at a time when our banners are to mingle
on the same battle field. To this assurance you have mcHreover added the touching
affirmation of faithful remembrance of the French soil kept through two centuries
by the descendants of those, who with Jean de Bienville, created the fi-ee city of
New Orleans.

Everything here in Paris should assure you that you are at home. Our clasped
hands, our looks comprehending each other, and that delicate emotion from which
is bom the certitude of mutual affection, tell you better than words how cordial
and sincere our welcome is.

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 23

There is not even a promenade in our dear Paris which will not produce th<
illusion that you have not crossed the ocean; our constructions recall your houses,
our crowd is like yours, active, varied and curious, its women supple and adorned
with native el^[ance, its men of alert and disengaged manner, with that indefinable
harmony of a people enamored of its work and*Uberty.

Let me then believe, evoking the perennial aspect of the present hour, that in
the lives of nations there are monuments more lasting than cities, perpetuated through
the centuries and before which history halts a moment to rest from bloody struggles
and war devastations. These monuments are foimdation stones laid by citizens
united by the same origin, by feehngs which spring from kindred hearts, and whose
thoughts, a^irations and desires mingle in an individual soul. You have come to-
day, leaving the banks of your great luminous river to those of the more modest
Seine to raise cxie of these grand monuments. The anniversary of the founding of
your dty will be in the coming centuries the day when Paris and New Orleans, their
eyes turned to the battle front, vibrating with the same hopes, allied for the same
destinies, founded the monument of an infinite and fraternal friendship. (Applause.)

Address by Mr. Deslandres, President of the General Council:

Cenilemen:

Allow me at the outset to thank my excellent colleague, the President of the
Municipal Council, for having invited me to this festival, thus giving the population
of the Seine the occasion to express through me its welcome and its gratitude for the
step you have taken, and which from present events borrows a special signification.

In the hour that France tmdergoes such bitter trials every sign of affection,
every wwd of comfort, every manifestation of solidarity cannot fail to touch us deep-
ly; but we are especially moved by the mission you fulfil. We recognize ourselves
in you; we are of the same race, we have the same traditions, many among you still
speak our language, our intellectual formation is identical; we are two nations of
common origin, bearing in our minds the same ideal. You, like us, have faithfully
preserved the cult of remembrance. For you, and for your half-brothers the Cana-
dians, beautiful France has ever remained the old cotmtry. Thence the ardent
demonstrations of friendship of which your visit has been the auspicious occasion.
(Good! Good!)

If we greet in you, gentlemen, the representatives of a great city with rights to
our fraternal affection, we bow down before the citizens of free America, whose in-
tervention into the conflict which divides the world we celebrated a few months ago.
It brought to our cause which is that of right the sanction of the greatest and most
complete of all the den)ocraci^ which have ever existed. (Approbation.)

That this democracy, essentially pacific, should stand at our side in the struggle
which for over three years has deluged the world in blood is a matter of astonishment
for those who recall the cotmsels given by Washington to his fellow citizens in a let-
ter -which is as the political testament of that great man: ''Europe has certain in-
terests which are special to her and have no reference or a very indirect reference to
us. It must then &id itself frequently entangled m quarrels to which we are naturally
strangers, to attach oiuwlves by artificial links to the vicissitudes of her— of her poli-
tics, to enter into the different combinations of her friendships and her animosities,
and to take part in the struggles resulting thereof would be to act imprudently."

Those do not understand the nature of the drama which is approaching it*
end. Actually there is no question of a war similar to those of which history offer

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80 many examples, struggles in the interest of dynasties for satisfaction of appetites
or rancors.

Repeating President Wilson's forcible words neutrality is no longer posdble
nor desirable, when the world's peace and liberty of nations is menaced. It is to
safeguard the heritage of humanity -itself that the United States, without spirit of
conquest, without its own interests being directly threatened has thrown in the
balance the weight of its sword. (Applause.)

We can from this moment assert that victory is ineluctable. I go further,
gentlemen, the consequences of this victory will be incomputable, and we can hope
that from it will come, reposing on a basis more solid than brass, the society of nations,
the association of free peoples who alone can assure the world of peaceful morrows.

Let not our beautiful dream of imiversal concord be treated as Utopian. The
example of the United States proves that the creation of this confederation of nations
is in the realm of possibilities.

At the end of the seventeenth century, when oh the continent, absolute royalty
was triumphant over feudal anarchy, when in the bosom of brilliant and corrupted
Eiu-ope the very idea of the rights of man was slighted, misunderstood were the prin-
ciples on which rested modem constitutions, these same principles were proclaimed
in the new world and were becoming the future symbol of a great people. (Good!
Good!)

The reason is that the colonies, be they of English or of French origin, contained
the germs of complete democracy. If the pilgrims differed from each other on many,
points, they had however common traits and they were in a situation almost analo-
gous. The mighty and the happy ones are rarely those who seek exile and poverty,
and misfortune is a sure guarantee of equality.

Accord was then possible between the divers States founded in similar condi-
tions, and it is a fact that whatever differences that climate, origin and institutions
may have put between the ninety-five million men who actually trod the soil of the
United States, the agreement they concluded subsists in its entirety.

The reason is that man has ideas and sentiments besides material interests.
For a confederation to be able to pretend to a long life there must be between its
members more community of ideals than community of interests.

Well, when Germany, awakened from its bloody dream, will have demanded an
account from those governing the ruins it has accumulated, when it shall have over-
thrown the autocracy which still dominates there, but under which yoke it begins to
grow restless, an accord will be possible between people equally free, equally desir-
ous of tasting the benefits of a just and enduring peace. (Good!)

Then the plague of war will be definitely distanced, the spirit of conquest will
have lived and the nations after having dressed their wounds may prepare a better
future and take up their march towards light and truth. (Applause.)

Address by the Honorable Andr6 Lafargue, Chairman of the
New Orleans delegation:

Sir, President of the Municipal Council, Gentlemen Prefects,
Municpal Councillors and Gentlemen:
In the name of Hon. Martin Behrman, Mayor of New Orleans; of the Muni-
cipal Council of that city, and of four hundred thousand inhabitants who constitute
the sympathetic population whose generous hearts and eminently French minds,
(precious talismans), undoubtedly went forth to us during the perilous crossing

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 25

we have jiist made, we lay before you in this day of great dvic commemo-
ration an homage of unbounded admiration and respectful Mendship. (Applause.)

It is the greeting of the loved daughter to the tender mother in the hour of
trial and sacrifice; it is the greeting that the New Orleanians since the outset of this
great conflict have addressed from their hearts and minds to the French people. It
is the homage of the descendants of the proud and hardy pioneers, who at the price
of sacrifices and numberless and most incredible traits of heroism, two himdried years
ago, in a r^on peopled with hostile savages, founded this ancient colony bearing
the sweet name of "Louisiana," which of itself when it is pronounced spontaneously
evokes such an illustrious past of French colonization that history has never recorded
the like. In fine it is the homage of a whole population whose traditions and customs
are indissolubly linked to those of yoiu- country, and who, though justly proud of
being part of the great republic of the United States, cannot lose sight of what it owes
to France, to its people, to French genius, and especially the gratitude incumbent
on it to the city of Light, to Paris, the brain of the world, who conceived and executed
in the beginning of the eighteenth century, the establishment and definite foundation
of the great city my colleagues and myself have the honor to represent on this solemn
occasion. (Good! Good!)

And never, I assure you, homage was conveyed and tendered with more sincere
affection, loyalty and enthusiasm, for do we not count as yours since more than two
centuries?

When William the cursed, William the infamous, William the execrated of nations
present and to come, in a fit of diabolic pride had imchained the tempest of iron and
fire which fell upon the peaceful French nation and her allies, my fellow-coimtrymen,
the New Orleanians, notwithstanding the presidential order given them to preserve
a neutral and impartial attitude towards the belligerents, cried to you, across the
seas, that they were with you body and soul, that they shared your anguish and your
mourning as well as your glories and your triumphs. (Applause.)

The voice of the descendants of Bienville, d'Iberville, Noyan, Marquis, Milhet,
Villere and Doucet, of all those whose names figure in flaming characters in the his-
tory of Louisiana must have been heard in yoiu* midst above the dash of arms and the
gigantic struggle in which you are engaged.

Instinctively, though invisibly, you must have felt in France that we were
truly with you and that oiu- national duty soldy, deterred us from giving you the
physical and more tangible proof of our deep attachment and traditional loyalty.
(Applause.)

With Paris, we have lived through the hours of anguish and of feverish prepa-
rations which preceded the battle of the Mame and when the Prussian soldiery im-
pudent and insolent was advancing on your fair dty, determined to profane and soil
it, like the heroic Alsatian, whose image adorns your beautiful garden, of the Tuilleries,
we answered the enemies who rejoiced beforehand. "Even so!" yes, "even so."
said we. Even if the barbarous Teutons reduced to silence the exterior line of forti-
fications which surround Paris; even if the last defenses were carried by assault,
even if the enemy penetrated almost into the heart of your dty; even if the city had
faUen into the brutal and sacrilegious hands of the Kaiser's hordes, the struggle
would not be over. Each dty, each hamlet of France would have to be taken. They
would have to kill the last Frenchman on that soil of Gaul, watered from end to end
by the generous blood of her heroic children, before the enemy dared to declare itsdf
the victor. "And even then," we would add, "victory would not be won, for the des-
cendants of the French throughout the world, and all those who have inherited the

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26 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

male energy and greatness of soul of the French people.would rise fierce and implaca-
ble and in thundering tones would say to the conqueror, barring his way: "Even so."

We knew that Paris would prove equal to the trial, and that the cause defended
by the French armies was so beautiful, so grand, so sublime and so truly that of right
and civilization, that final victory would not remain uncertain and that your old
historic city would not fall into the enemy's hands.

We knew in those early days of September, 1914, that the sun of Austerlitz
would diine once more in all its glory on France and on its capital, and gild again
the dome of the edifice in which He sleeps his last sleep on the banks of the Sdne,
who once dictated his laws to the Prussians and to the Austrians. (Very Good! Very
good!)

Our confidence was more than justified for today the sun of Austerlitz has
become that of the Mame, the greatest victory that democracy has ever gained over
autocracy and tyranny. (Applause.) ^

Paris during this time was not anxious, for Paris, back of its triple surround-
ings of scientific and modem fortifications, shielded many who had been through
the painful period of the siege of 1870, who knew of the heroism di^layed by the
Parisians on that occasion, and whose children would that it might be said of them:
today. "Talis pater qualis filius." (Applause.)

We were with you even at that period, and our nation's entry into the war
only gave us the right to proclaim aloud what we had always felt. This is why we
come today in full communion of spirit and ideas to celeteite with you the Bi-Cen-
tennial of the decree authorizing Bienville, your Bienville and our Bienville, to found
on the banks of the mighty Mississippi, the dty whose children we are, and we hope,
that in return, you will send us next February a delegation of your compatriots
commissioned to represent your admirable and eternally limiinous dty at the com-
menK>ration which we have planned with a view of making a dignified and enduring
entry in our dvic annals of the 200th anniversary of the arrival of Bienville and his
brave companicms on the spot where stands today in all her splend(»r as Queen of
the South, and in all her industrial might. New Orleans, daughter of France and de-
voted sister of Paris. Your delegation, like ours, will accomplish their pilgrimage
in safety, for they will be inspired by the proud motto which is yours and which we
oursdves adopted on setting foot on the steamer which brought us here: "Fluctuat
nee mergitur." (Double salvo of applause and bravos.)

Translated from the French by Mrs. Hdoise Hulse Cauzat.

The Honorable Andr6 Lafargue then read the following letters
remitted to him at the time of his departiire from New Orleans by his
His Excellency, R. G. Pleasant, Governor of the State of Louisiana,
and by the Honorable Martin Behrman, Mayor of New Orleans:

STATE OF LOUISIANA
STATE DEPARTMENT

Baton Rouge, September 25, 1917.
Honorable Andre Lafargue.
My dear Lafargue:

I remit tmder fold a commission naming you as my personal representative
and delegate of the State of Louisiana that you may represent me as well as the State
at the bi-centennial ceremonies of the founding of New Orleans which are to take
place in Paris the 24th and 25th of October this year.

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 27

I hope that you will not only have a pleasant voyage but a profitable one also ,
and that your visit and that of your colleagues to Paris will be a manifestation which
will more closely cement the ties of friendship which bind the people of our nation
and particularly those of the State of Louisiana to those of the great sister republic
across the sea.

Kindly express to the authorities of Paris how re^)ectfully devoted I am to
them and tell them that by you I extend the most cordial invitation to the great peo-
ple of that glorious city, and to all of France, to send a delegation to Louisiana to
participate in a commemoration analogous to yours, in New Orleans on the 9th,
10th and 11th of February, 1918.

Accept the expression of my highest consideration.

R. G. PLEASANT,
Governor of the State of Louisiana.

MAYORALTY OF NEW ORLEANS
Hon. Martin Behrman, Mayor.

September 17th, 1917.
Mr, Adrien Mithouard,

President of the Municipal Council of Paris.
My dear Sir:

This letter which will be tendered you by the Hon. Andr6 Lafargue, one of our
honored fellow citizens, whom 1 have delegated very specially as my personal repre-
sentative and as chairman of the mission that is to participate in the commemor-
ative ceremonies of the two hundredth anniversary of the founding of New Orleans;
to take place in your beautiful and historic city on the 24th and 25th of October
of this year.

I confide particularly to the Hon. Andr6 Lafargue the care to transmit our
most cordial greetings and congratulations in the name of the dty of New Orleans
and its people, and wish him to say, on the occasion of the ceremonies of the 24th
and 25th, the happy result which we hope will come from the fraternal manifestation
which will take place between the two municipalities. May I express the hope that
the city of Paris will be represented at our local ceremonies, which, as I have already
mentioned, will take place on the 9th, 10th and 11th of February, 1918, and at which,
I assure you, the representatives of the French Government and the Municipality
of Paris will receive the most cordial welcome and our distinguished consideration.

Very sincerely yours,

MARTIN BEHRMAN, Mayor.

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28 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Honorable Andr6 Laf argue next read the text of the official invi-
tation addressed to the Municipality of Paris by the Municipality
of New Orleans. This invitation is thus worded:

1718 - BI-CENTENNIAL - 1918

MUNICIPALITY OF NEW ORLEANS

MARTIN BEHRMAN, Mayor

September 17, 1917.

You are respectfully invited to participate in the commemorative exercises of

the 200th anniversary of the founding of New Orleans, which will take place on the

9th, 10th, and 11th of February, 1918.

MARTIN BEHRMAN,

Mayor of New Orleans,
T. P. THOMPSON,
President of the Bi-Ceniennial Committee,
G. CUSACHS,
President of the Louisiana Historical Society

General Behan then expressed himself in these terms:

Mr. President of the Municipal Council,

Gentlemen, Members of the Municipal Council,
Ladies and Gentlemen:

The amiable invitation which you addressed to the Mayor of the dty of New
Orleans, mayor whom I have the honor to represent in this patriotic and historic
circumstance, gives me the pleasure of greeting you.

We are the representatives of this industrious city of New Orleans founded
two hundred years 2igo by a decree of your King Louis XV. The instructions of the
monarch were executed with great courage and a great spirit of sacrifice by Bienville
and Iberville, two brave and intrepid knights.

It was French education, it was French blood which enabled them to over-
come the obstacles and the difficulties presented by a country well nigh impene-
trable and to found establishments and colonists on the banks of the Mississippi
and the shores of the Gulf of Mexico. It was an arduous task. At times they had
to contend against the mighty waters of the Mississippi, at times they had to battle
with tribes of savage Indians who sought revenge for the arrival of white men from
France. Bienville intrepidly swept away all opposition and had soon founded a
colony which today is the richest and most enterprising part of the globe. (Applause.)

Today this part of the United States of America which was founded and colon-
ized by your pioneers under Bienville was acquired by us and was turned over to us
by the greatest of all men, whose ashes rest tmder the gilded dome of the Invalides,
the man who made his own name imperishable. Napoleon, the unique.

This great dominion ceded by you 1803 tenders today for your soldiers and your
people its rice, its sugar, its cotton by hundreds and thousands of tons, its com and
its wheat by thousands of bushels.

Its riches and the vigor of its youth come to you to aid you in repulsing from
France and Belgium the inhuman enemies who have invaded your beautiful country.

Friends and comrades, of the city of Paris and of the government of France,
what we are, the great results of which we are capable for your grand republic, for its
magnificent army and its people, all this must be attributed to your foresight in

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 29

1718, which conceived the exploration and colonization, with the help of the French
colonists, Bienville and his brother Iberville, who established themselves on the banks
of the Mississippi and founded the dty of New Orleans in 1718. (Bravos.) We are
here today to unite with you in the celebration of that important event which has so
much relation to the progress of the dty we have the honor of representing and
with the progress of the country in general.

At home our French traditions were never lost. They survive in our blood
and in our customs. (Applause.) In all the United States New Orleans is known
as the Paris of America, compliment of which we are justly proud, and I hope that
we shall never lose the French "esprit de corps" innate in the nature of New
Orleans and of the old province of Louisiana. (Applause.)

After Gen. Behan, Mr. Hovelaque, President of the Bi-Centennial
Committee of the foimding of New Orleans, delivered the following
address:

Mr. President of the Municipal Council of Paris,
Mr. Prefect of the Seine,

Messrs. Municipal Councillors:

I did not expect to speak today, therefore I will simply recall that the Com-
mittee must remit to the dty of Paris a Commemorative medal; there does not seem
to be any time more opportune than the moment.

This done I recall what Mr. Prefect of Pohce said awhile go when he spoke
of monuments more durable than marble and bronze; in effect the medal which we
tender you this day commemorates a date; it will remain a remembrance of this day's
events in a time fraught with momentous importance. I will say that from
the extrme ends of the world the American nation have come to bring to France*
aid, friendship and even the last drop of their blood.

I remit to you, Mr. President of the Munidpal Coundl, this medal brought
by the ddegates of Nfew Orleans. (Applause.)

Mr. Hovelaque then gave to Mr. Ambroise Rendu, Vice-Presi-
dent of the Mimicipal Coimcil, the medal offered to the city of Paris
by the Paris Bi-Centennial Conmiittee.

A limch was served in the course of which Mr. Ambroise Rendu,
Vice-President of the Municipal Coimcil, gave out the following
toast:

"All gratitude and friendship to the Gentlemen, Del^^ates from New Orleans,
and to their brothers to whona we send our most cordial and affectionate remem-
brance. We will drink to the health of all, but beforehand allow me to evoke a mem-
ory: A few weeks ago I was in Bordeaux whilst the Mayw of that large city was
receiving American ships, representatives of the army and of the navy, and he re-
called that when Lafayette left Bordeaux in 1777, he had back of him a chosen troop
of cadets of Gascogne. Among them was one named Michel deLachassaigne: one
of his grand-sons is here. I called him from the 118th heavy artillery in which he is
engaged. I ask you to raise your glass with him to our brothers of America. This
seedier, I beg leave to mention it, is my grand nephew; he bears the same name as his
grand-fother, Henri de Lachassaigne. (Applause.)

Gentlemen a toast to the memory of those who liberated the great friendly
natkMi."

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30 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

At. 5 p. m. the reception terminated. The eve of the reception
the President of the Municipal Council had received the following
telegram from the Mayor of New Orleans:

"On the occasion of the bi-centennial of the decree which established New
Orleans on the banks of the Mississippi, we are happy to unite with you and our
representatives in Paris in celebrating this event. We celebrate today in our dty
hall, commemorative ceremonies in which the representatives of France take part
with the elite of our dty. Across the ocean we stretch out hands to our oldest friends
to whom we are linked by our origin, oiu* like democratic traditions, and the red,
white and blue banner which now floats over every one of our dties.

We are happy in this hour of trial to offer you our sympathy. From the days
of Lafayette and Bienville unto those of Joffre, six generations of Louisianians greet
you. We will be with you until the triumph of our common ideal. Behrman, Mayor."

Mr. Ambroise Rendu, Vice-President of the Mimicipal Coimcil
immediately responded by telegram:

"We thank you for your telegram so warmly cordial, and we are not less happy
than you that the bi-centennial of the founding of New Orleans furnishes the occas-
ion of adding other hnks to those which already unite us. It is particularly satis-
factory to think that actual events are Bienville's justification and coronation, and
that the descendants of the founders of your dty are side by side with us in the cotDr
bat which we are sustaining against barbarity for liberty and justice.

In welcoming your distinguished representatives, we honor the munidpality
and the population of New Orleans.

Paris sends you an affectionate greeting, and her best wishes for speedy triumph
in our common cause.

"AMBROISE RENDU,
**Vke'Presid€nt of the Municipal Council cf Paris,

On October 26th, at noon, the office of the Mimicipal Council
entertained the New Orleans representatives at breakfast.

At this breakfast were also Messrs. Delanney, Prefect of the
Seine; Hudelo, Prefect of Police; G. Hanotaux, former minister, Presi-
dent of the Committee of France- American; Hovelaque, President of
the Bi-Centennial Committee of the foimding of New Orleans; Jaray,
director of the Review of France- America. M. Poiry, Vice-President
of the Mimicipal Coimcil, made the following address:

Gentlemen:

We are always pleased to welcome with hearty cordiality the guests who come
to us from the United States of America, but in the bosom of the great Franco-Amer-
ican friendship it. is oiu* privilege to take up other friendly ties, and we certainly
feel a most special friendship for the beautiful city which today sends you to us.

I have not the pleasure of knowing New Orleans and many Frenchmen, too
many alas! are like me. But what Frenchman familiar with the history of his coun-
try has not often thought with admiration shaded by melancholy of the strange and
magnificent destiny of this city by turns French and Spanish, and again French,

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 31

and in the end American, which has not ceased in the midst of so many vicissitudei
to develop vigorous prosperity fostered by an incomparable commercial situation,
and which preserved the original characteristics implanted by her founders.

What Frenchman reading the accounts of travelers, or turning the pages of a
simple guide book, has not evoked with deep emotion on the banks of the majestic
and l^endary Mississippi, under the limiinous sky, in the midst of luxuriant tropical
vegetation, the sweet, white dty whose galleries, blinds and arcades so closely recall
our southern France, and whose streets bear the iiames of Chartres, Bourbon, Dau-
phine, Laharpe, La Perouse and La Fayette.

What Frenchman, in fine, has not been touched and flattered in realizing that
the qualities of subtle charm and refined culture which distinguished New Orleans
among all the cities of the United States are attributed by the Americans themselves
to the French blood which flows in your veins.

But these feelings, gentlemen, were not, as I said, without some sadness, for
this magnificent shoot from the French tree, separated from it since a century, had
preciously kept the memory of its origin. But would time which spares nothing, be
likely to spare so fragile a link? Gentlemen, this anxiety is now vanished from our
hearts; the great war came which separated the world into two camps, that of civi-
lization and that of barbarism, into that of liberty and that of servitude, had to make
and does make us brothers in arms. And this fraternity, we have the certitude, will
not be limited to the duration of the present war. It will fill our future and as its
benefits are developed it will become from generation to generation more vital, deeper
and more profound.

In the reorganization of the vfodd of which the immortal messages of Presi-
dent Wilson has so masterfully laid out the salient lines France and America will
give, nay, they already give an example of the fusion of minds and hearts which a
short while ago was not deemed possible.

Well, gentlemen, in the midst of the early workers, amidst the precursers of
this marvelous imion which is dted and praised, at the^de of Franklin and Wash-
ington, of Rochambeau and Lafayette, it is more than just and legitimate that we
forget not near them, and chronologocally at least ahead of them, the founder of
New Orleans.

I raise my glass to the memory of Jean de Bienville, founder of New Orleans;
I drink to French-American friend^p and the speedy triumph of the great cause
for which we are combatting side by side. (Applause.)

At the Sorbonne.

Address delivered by the Honorable Andr6 Lafargue, chairman
of the Bi-Centennial Commission, sent by Louisiana and by the city
of New Orleans to celebrate with Paris the two hundredth anniver-
sary of the signing of the decree foimding New Orleans.

I could never have summoned the courage and temerity necessary to speak
in this illustrious and solemn sanctuary of French thought if my official character
as chairman of this mission, and the duty incimibent on me as speaker of the New
Orleans delegation, sent to Paris bf that city to celebrate the two hundredth anni-
versary of one of the most important acts of colonial French history, did not require
that I should tell in public sitting of the great affection, and the tmbounded admira-
tion that we have so preciously kept in Louisiana for France and her heroic people.

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32 The Louisiana Historical Qttarterly

I have neither the talent, the competence, nor the experience which the great
honor devolved upon me calls for, and which I do not attribute to any personal
merit, but to the historic titles of the great metropolis of Louisiana, which I and my
fellow delegates have been appointed to represent at the commemoration here of one
of its most important anniversaries.

Where could the bi-centennial of the foimding of New Orleans be more appro-
priately celebrated than in Paris? . the place where was consununated the act which
was to have such great results later on, for your country and ours. From Paris,
came to Bienville, Sieur de Lemoyne de Longueuil the instructions and authoriza-
tion which allowed him to realize the fairest dream of his existence — that of founding
a great capital on the banks of the most majestic river of North America — the Mis-
sissippi.

From Paris, in after years, were controlled and directed the destiny of our city,
then the seat of the government of the colony. In Paris, Bienville, the illustrious
founder of our city, whose name we speak with love and veneration, lived his last
days, and died a prey to grief after having tried to obtain the annuhnent of the treaty
by which a king of France, autocratic and indifferent, with one stroke of his pen,
annihilated the fruits of his laborious and historic career.

Paris, was one may say, the cradle of New Orleans, It is then just that we
celebrate in Paris the first act of its founding, the two hundredth anniversary of the
authorization, so long demanded by Bienville, to lay the foundation of a dty which
would be an outlet for all the French establishments of the valley of the Mississippi
and its environs, and whose importance in our day has more than justified the hope
of its founder.

We were deeply affected by the thought which Paris and the French people
had in inviting New Orleans to participate in a celebration in the course of which
would forcibly be evoked common memories and illustrious figures that we venerate
at home as much as you do here. Therefore when the New Orleans Municipality
received the gracious invitation of the City of Light, it eagerly responded by send-
ing us to represent it at your fine commemorative exercises with the mission of faith-
fully transmitting the testimony of the filial affection of the former colony for the
ancient mother-country, and also prayers fi-om the depth of our hearts for the tri-
tmiph of the cause which has become ours.

I distinctly recall the words of our New Orleans mayor at the moment our
delegation took leave of him and I repeat them: "You will tell the Parisians and the
French people that New Orleans has never deviated from her historic origin. That
in heart and mind she has been with France since the beginning of this war, and today,
more than any other American city, by her rights of filiation she proudly takes her
stand at her mother's side to struggle valiantly with her until the complete crushing
of Prussian militarism, and the definite establishment of a peace which will insure
the happiness* and security of the generations of today and those to come hereafter."
I hear him adding these last recommendations: *TeU them, above all, that the New
Orleanians of this age have inherited the great qualities of valiance, endurance, and
the spirit of self sacrifice of their French ancestors, of which France is actually giving
to the world the most glorious and the most sublime demonstration, and that our
motto is that of Gallieni: "To the end!' "

I could not better translate the feelings of my fellow citizens towards you than
in quoting the verj' words of the mayor of our city.

But New Orleans is not alone in wishing to participate in the ceremonies of the
day; The whole of Louisiana would associate in the great event which we corn-

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 33

memorate, and His Excellency, our Governor, Ruflin G. Pleasant sent me, by special
messenger, the eve of our departure a letter and a commission investing me with the
requisite power to represent our State in its entirety at this manifestation. In this
letter His Excellency commissioned me particularly to greet in his name the gre^it
friendly and allied nation and to tell you that from end to end of Louisiana, in all its
Parishes, throughout its extent, the hearts of its inhabitants beat in unisojti with yours
and that we pledge ourselves to be with you in Ufe and in death.

This is what the Governor of Louisiana wrote when he heard that I and my
companions were going to Paris for the bi-centennial celebration of the foimding on
(paper) of our large and beautiful city. He did not leave this occasion pass by with-
out loudly proclaiming, with the authorized voice of the chief dignitary of our State,
that the Louisianians are bound to the ancient mother-country by indissoluble ties,
that they rejoice to be able to bring you at this time moral and material support,
which, as I said yesterday, they desired so much to offer since the beginning jof the
war.

And as it was meet that our mission should receive its final consecration in
the capital of the great American nation, we went to Washington before coming
here.

The great statesman who has succeeded Washington and Lincoln, and who
IMx>ves worthy of the heritage, received us with the utniost kindness and friendli-
ness as soon as he was aware of the purpose of our small embassy.

I recall Mr. Wilson's words when I invited him to assist at our commemorative
festival, next February, in New Orleans: **The moment is most opportune to fulfill
the mission you are intrusted with. The event which you will commemorate is that
which allowed the United States in after years to include in its domain one of the
finest regions of the American continent. It is an event of considerable importance
and compass and actually your mission can but more strongly accentuate the. similar
links which bind France to the United States; you consequently take with you my
best wishes for the success of your undertaking. God speed you, gentlemen, in your
historic journey."

We would not have gone to Washington without paying our respects to Mr.
Jtisserand who represents your grand nation with so much dignity, who since so many
years has incessantly and efficaciously striven to maintain cordial relations between
the two republics, and who is always interested in all manifestations the end of which
is the bringing together of I^uisiana and the ancient mother-country. The event
we celebrate today could not leave him indifferent.

We received at the French embassy a welcome so benevolent and so coiirteous
that it gave us the illusion -that our voyage was ended and that we were already on
the soil of France. It was your Ambassador and his gracious companion who again
put into our hands the pilgrim's staff and afforded us the means to proceed on our
way, when it seemed barred by numberless difficulties and obstacles which arose
from all sides. And so, without delay, from here we send respectful and grateful
greetings to Mr. and Mrs. Jusserand.

It was likewise just that before participating in your celebration, before being
admitted to set foot on the glorious soil of France, still impregnated with the blood
of its heroic children and bearing the indelible stamp of their spirit of sacrifice and of
their greatness of soul, we should go through some trials, infinitesimal it is true, to
prepare us in some way and to make us more worthy of coming in contact with your
immortal nation. The dangers we incurred in crossing the zone, pretendedly blocked
by the submarines, and separation from dear ones left in the greatest anxiety have

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34 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

perhaps given us the right to stand before you today, and tell you of the strong secu-
lar and historical friendship which we have always held for you and your country.

I am therefore happy to be able to aflfirm in the name of the New Orleans pop-
ulation» in the name of the two million inhabitants of Louisiana that the memory
of Fi^mce is still living anKHigst us and that the seed thrown on our soil in the early
days of the 18th century has germinated through ages, has not ceased fructifying,
and that presently, using the heart stirring words of your great statesman Mr. Yiviani a
few months ago in the l^islature: 'Tou have only to reap the fine and durable
harvest."

And as a living expression of these thoughts and sentiments the French lan-
guage has been preserved and is in use amongst us, as also the admirable memories
and traditions left by the illustrious founders of a city and a State not less anxious
in the days of Lafayette, Rochambeau, de Grasse, and so many others, to offer their
services and their swords for the defense of conunon right and for the safeguarding
of the liberty of nations.

I repeat it, Louisiana has remained faithfiil to the principles inculcated in her,
and is preparing to send you, without counting her best children, and to give her
purest and most illustrious blood; to that source from which she derived it in 1718,
to be shed to the last drop if necessary.

The voice of oiu* ancestors was heard among us in imperative tones; from the
first shock we burned with the intense desire to come over and give the convincing
proof that two centuries have not been able to obliterate the memory that we are
the descendants of those who knew how to die valiantly far from their own, in a
strange land, for their King and justice.

We respond today to that appeal from our ancestws with all the more enthu-
siasm and fervor from the fact that the cause we will defend has become that of all
civilized peoples of the world, the holy cause of democracy, for which France, vigi-
lant guardian of world right and justice, has drawn her invincible sword which she
will sheathe only when liberty of nations and their security will no longer be threat-
ened by the sacreligious aggressions of an impious HohenzoUem or a renegade Haps-
burg.

We take our stand at your side with all the more determination and vibrant
patriotism because the voice that calls to us is that of our oppressed brethren through-
out the world, that it is consequently the voice of God.

"VOX POPULI, VOX DEL"

We deem that in combating for you we participate in the greatest crusade of
ancient and modem times, the one which is to liberate not only a holy site or terri-
tory, but which will save the human race from the most infanK>us yoke which bar-
barians ever dreamed of imposing on it. We want it said that we are the worthy
sons of worthy sires. We too want to gird the armor of truth and justice that we may
entone with you on the day of liberation the hynm which on the morrow will be that
of the allied nations as well as yours: "Rise children of the civilized world, the day
of glory has con^e since it is the day of universal peace."

Oh France! Mother country of Ehiguesclin, Godefroi de Bouillon, Baj'ard
and Turenne, your sons of Louisiana also claim their immOTtal page in the legend of
centuries, and will thank you for calling them to your side.

Oh France! Mother country of the great liberates of 1789, country of Napo-
leon, Joffre, Castehiau, Nivelle, P^tain, we, more distinctly than ever, hear your
clarion call and with gladness we hasten to respond. Here we are. Allow us to
enter your ranks with oiu* standards, which, like yours, are those of Liberty, Equali-

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 35

ty, and Fraternity, in the height of the battle that we may shed our blood with yours
for the great glory of nations and for their security to come.

Mother, tenderly loved and venerated, your sons will not have worked in vain
to implant your civilization and your genius on American soil, for from the depths
of the impenetrable forests of Louisiana, and the uncultivated swamps of the lower
Mississippi, I see advancing in serried ranks their descendants who come to greet
you, render homage to your valiance, and take their place by the side of those who
since three years have woven your crown of immortal glory. Iberville, Bienville, La
Salle and their like will have conquered for you the finest of all empires, that of hearts
and minds, that neither the course of ages nor political conviilsions can break nor
destroy.

A la Sorbonae.

Discours prononc^ par THonorable Andrfi Lafargue, President
de la Commission envoy6e par la Louisiane et par la Nouvelle Or-
leans pour c616brer avec Paris le 200^ anniversaire de la signature du
Decret de Fondation de la Nouvelle Orleans.

Je n'aurais jamais eu la hardiesse et la tto^te de prendre la parole dans cet
illustre et solennd sanctuaire de la pens^e frangaise, si je ne m'6tais rendu compte
que le caract^ official dont je suis rev§tu, en ma quality de chef de mission, et le
devoir qui m'incombe comme porte-parole de la Delegation que la Nouvelle-Orl6an8
k envoy6e k Paris pour y c^l^brer le 200« anniversaire d*un des actes les plus impor-
tants de ITiistoire coloniale frangaise, exigeaient que je dise en stance publique toute
h. grande affection et toute I'admiration sans borne que nous avons toujours pre-
deusement cortserv^es en Louisiane pour la France et pour son peuple h6roique.

En effet je n'ai ni le talent, ni la competence, ni Texperience, que comporte le
grand honneur qui m'^choit et que je dois attribuer, je le sais, non pas k mes m^rites
personnels, mais bien aux titres historiques de la grande M^tropole Louisianaise,
qui k bien voulu me designer ainsi que mes compagnons pour la repr6senter k la
commemoration chez vous d'un de ses anniversaires les plus importants.

En temps normal, un ev^nement de Tenvergure historique de celui que nous
ceiebrons aurait acquis ime importance considerable; aujourd'hui cet ev^nement et
sa commemoration en raison du cadre et de I'epoque rev§tent un caract^re dont la
significaticm et Tinteret palpitant ne sauraient echapper k personne.

Ou pouvait-on mieux ceiebrer le 200e anivarsaire de la signature du decret de
fondation de la Nouvelle-Orieans qu'^ Paris, k TendroitmSme ou cet acte qui, devait
plus tard avoir de si grandes consequences pour votre pays et pour le ndtre fut con-
somme. C'est de Paris que furent envoyes k Bienville, Sieur Lemoyne de Longueil,
les instructions et Tautorisation qui devaient le mettre k meme de realiser le plus
beau rive de son existence, — celui de fonder une grande capitale sur les rives de plus
majestueux des fleuves de TAmerique du Nord; le Mississippi. C'est de Paris, que
par la suite, les destinees de n6tre ville, devenue le siege du gouvemement de la colonic
Louisianaise, furent contrdiees et dirigees. Et c'est k Paris, que Bienville, Tilllustre
fondateur de ndtre ville, celui dont nous ne pronongons le nom qu'avec amour et
veneration vecut ses demiers jours et mourut en proie au plus grand chagrin, aprds
avoir vainement tente une demiere fois de faire annuler le traite par lequd un roi
de France, d'un trait de plume autocratique et indifferent mettait k neant tous les
fruits de sa laborieuse et hisUnique carriere.

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36 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Paris k ^t6 pour aihsi dire, le berceau de la Nouvelle Orleans. U est done juste
que ce soit k Paris que Ton c^l^bre le premier acte de sa fondation, le 200e anniversaire
de Tautorisation, longtemps demand^e par Bienville, de jeter les fondements d'une
ville qui devait servir de d6bouch6 pour tous les 6tablissements frangais de la valine
du Mississippi et de ses environs et dont Timportance de nos jours k plus que justifi^
les provisions et Tespoir de son fondateur.

Nous avons tous 0t6 profondement touchte de la delicate pens6e que Paris et le
peuple frangais ont eue en invitant la Nouvelle-OrlOans k partidper k une c616bration au
cours de laquelle on 6voquerait forcOment des souvenirs communs et des figures
illustres, que nous v6n^ons chez nous autant que vous les v6nerez chez vous. Aussi
lorsque la Municipality de Nouvelle-OrlOanaise regut la tr^ gradeuse invitation de
la Ville Lumi^e, elle s'empressa d'y rOpondre en nous envoyant pour la reprfeenter
k vo6 beaux exerdces commOmeratifs, avec missioh de vous appc^er fid^ement le
ttooignage le plus complet de Taffection filiale de Tandenne colonie vis-^-vis de
I'andenne M^-Patrie et de vous transmettre tous les voeux que nous Msons du
fond du coeur pour le triomphe de la cause qui est devenue la ndtre.

Je me souviens fort bien des paroles de notre Maire de la Nouvelle-Qrl6ans au
moment ou notre D016gation le saluait avant de partir et je vous les r€p^te:
"Vous direz aux Parisiens et au peuple frangais que la Nouvelle-OrlOans n'a jamais
menti k ses origines historiques. Qu'elle n'acessi de combattre avec la France par le
coeur et par la pens^ d^ le commencement de la guerre et qu'aujourdliui plus
q'aucune autre ville AmOricaine, elle se range fiftrement et de par ses droits de filiation
aux cot6s de sa m^e pour lutter vaillament avec elle jusqu'^ TOcrasement complet
du militarisme Prussien et TOtablissement d6finitif d'une paix qui assurera am g^
nOrations d'aujourdTiui et de demain le bonheiu* et la stouitO." Je Tentends encore
ajoutant ces demi^res recommandations: "Dites-leur surtout que les Neo-Orleanais
d'aujourd'hui ont h6rit6 des grandes qtialitte de vaillance, d'endurance, et d'esprit
de sacrifice de leurs anc^tres frangais, qualitOs dont la France dcome actudlement
au monde entier les preuves les plus ^atantes et les plus sublimes, et que comme
eux, notre devise est celle de GalliOni: 'Jusqu'au bout!' "

Je ne pouvais mieux faire pour vous traduire les sentiments, dont mes compa*
triotes sont animus k votre 6gard qu'en vous citant actuellement les paroles du Maire
de ndtre ville.

Mais la Nouvelle-Orleans n'est pas la seule qui ait voulu partidper aux c6r^
monies d'aujourd'hui. Tout TEtat de la Louisiane a voulu s'assoder au grand 6vdne-
ment que nous comm&norons et son Gouvemeur, THonorable Ruflfin G. Pleasant,
m'a fait parvenir par courrier special, k la veille de notre depart, une lettre et une
commission, me revOtant des pouvoirs n6cessaires pour que notre Etat en entier soit
repr6sent6 offidellement k cette manifestation. Dans sa lettre. Son Excellence me
chargeait tout particuli^ement de saluer en son nom la grande nation amie et alli6e
et de lui dire que d'un bout k I'autre de la Louisiane, dans toutes ses paroisses et
dans toute Otendue, les coeurs de ses habitants vibraient k Tunisson avec les votres,
et que nous faisons le serment d'etre avec vous pour la vie et pour la mort.

Voil^ ce que m'Ocrivait le Gouvemeur de la Louisiane lorsqu'il apprit que je
me rendais avec mes compagnons k Paris pour y c^^brer le 200e anniversaire de la
fondation sur papier de notre grande et bdle ville. II n'a pas voulu laisser 6cbapper
cette occasion de vous affirmer hautement et avec la voix autorisOe du chef de notre
Etat, que les Louisianais restaient attaches k I'andenne M^e Patrie par des liens
sOculaires et indissolubles et qu'ils se rejouissaient de pouvoir aujourd*hui lui apporter

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 37

leur appiii matemel et moral, appui qui, comme je le disais hier, ils avaient tant
d&ir^ offrir dhs la premiere heure, d^ le d6but des hostilitfes.

Et comme il 6tait juste que notre mission aille recevoir sa consecration definitive
k la capitale de la grande nation Am^ricaine, nous nous sommes rendus k Washington
avant de venir id. L*illustre homme d'etat qui k recueilli la succession des Wash-
ington et des Lincoln, et qui s'en montre si digne, nous re^ut avec la plus grande
bienveillance d^ qu'il fut avis6 du but de ndtre petite Ambassade.

Je me repelle distinctement les paroles de Mr. Wilson alors que je Tinvitais k
assister a nos fStes comm6moratives du mois de F6vrier prochain: "Le moment est
tout k fait opportun pour remplir la mission dont vous etes charges," nous disait-iU
r6v6nement que vous devez comm6morer est celui en vertu duquel les Etats Unis
plus tard purent inclure dans' leur domaine une des plus belles r^ons du continent
am6ricain. C'est un 6v6nement dont importance et la port6e sont considerables et
k ITieure actuelle vdtre mission ne pent qu'accentuer d'avantage les liens stoilaires
qui imissent la Prance aux Etats Unis, vous emportez par consequent mes meilleurs
voeux pour le succ^ de vdtre entreprise. God speed you gentlemen, in your historic
journey."

Nous ne voulions pas nous rendre id sans aller saluer cdui qui depuis tant
d'annees travaille chez nous incessamment et efficacement k maintenir les rapp(»ts
les plus cordiaux entre les deux r^publiques soeurs et qui repr6sente si dignement k
Washington votre grande nation. M. Jussererand n'a cesse de s'interesser k toutes
les manifestations qui ont pour but de rapprocher la Louisiane de I'andenne M^re-
Patrie. L'ev^nement que nous c6iebrons aujourd-hui ne pouvait le laisser in differ-
ent. Nous avons rencontr6 k I'ambassade de France un accueil dont la bienveillance
et la courtoisie toute frangaise nous donnaient veritablement Tillusion que nous
avions accompli notre voyage, et que nous etions d6j^ en terre de France. C'est
votre Ambassadeur et sa gracieuse compagne qui nous ont remis en main le baton de
peierin et qui nous ont mis k m&ne de poursuivre notre route, alors qu'elle nout
semblait barree par des difficult^s sans nombre et des obstacles qui surgissaient de
tous les cdtes. Aussi, sans retard, nous adressons d'id k un excdlence, ainsi q\x*k
Mme. Jusserand, un salut respectueux et reconnaissant.

II etait juste, aussi, avant que nous ne partidpions k notre celebration et avant
que nous ne fussions admis k mettre pied sur le sol glorieux de France, encore tout
impregne du sang de ses enfants heroiques et portant Tempreinte ineffacable de leur
esprit de sacrifice et de leur grandeur d'ame, que nous traversions qudques epreuves,
—eh bien infimes, il est vrai, pour nous preparer en quelque sorte et nous rendre
plus dignes de prendre contact avec votre nation immortelle. Ces qudques dangers
que nous avons couru en franchissant la zone soi disant bloquee par les sous marins
ennemis et la separation de ceux qui nous sont chers et que nous avons laisses 1^ bas
dans la plus vive inquietude, nous ont peut-etre acquis qudques droits k nous pre-
senter devant vous aujourd'hui et k vous dire de vive voix toute Tamitie seculaire
et historique que nous avons toujours conservee pour vous et pour votre pays.

Aussi suis-je heureux de pouvoir vous afiirmer au nom de toute la population
Neo-Orieanaise, en cdui des deux millions d 'habitants de la Louisiane, que le souvenir
de la France est reste vivace parmi nous et que la semence qui k tt€ jetee dans notre
sol au commencement du 18« siede par vos ancitres, a germe k travers les ageis, n'a
cesse de fructifier et qu'aujourd'hui, pour nous servir des paroles vibrantes que votre
grand homme d'etat, Mr. Viviani, pronongait il y ^ qudques mois k la Chambre»
*'Vous n'avez qu'a en recolter la beUe et durable moisson."

Et comme expression toujours vivante de ces pensees et de ces sentiments, la

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38 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

langue frangaise est conserve et mise en usage parmi nous ainsi que les souvenirs et
les traditions admirables laiss6s par les illustres fondateurs d'une ville et d'un ^tat
dont les habitants, je tiens k le redire enox-e, ne sont pas moins empresses que jadis,
au temps des Lafayette, Rochambeau, de Grasse, et de tant d'autres de vos h^roiques
et invindcles compatriotes, k offrir leurs services et leurs 6p6e8 pour la defense du
droit commxin et pour la sauvegarde de la liberty des peuples.

Je vous le r^p^te, la Louisiane est rest^e fiddle aux prindpes qui lui ont 6t6
inculqu6s et elle s'apprSte k vous envoyer sans compter ses meilleurs enfants et k
vOus donner son sang le plus pur et le plus illustre, pour le verser s*il est n6cessaire
jusqu'^ la demi^ goutte k la source ou die Tavait puis6 en 1718. La voix des ancetres
s'est faite entendre chez nous de fagon imp&ieuse d^ le premier choc et nous brulons
du d6sir intense de venir vous donner la preuve convaincante que deux si^es n'ont
pu nous faire oublier que nous 6tions les descendants de ceux qui savaient mourir
avec vaillance loin des leurs en terre ^trang^, pour le roi et pour la justice. Au-
jourdliui nous r6pondons k cet appel des aieux avec autant plus d'enthousiasme et
de ferveur, que la cause que nous allons d^fendre est devenue celle des peuples dvilisfe
du monde entier, la cause sainte de la d^mocratie pour laquelle la France gardienne
vigilante du droit des gens et de la justice mondiale, a tir6 son glaive invindble,
qu'elle n'abaissera que le jour ou la liberty des peuples et leur s6curit6 ne seront
plus menace par les agressions sacril^es d'un HohenzoUem impi ou d'un Haps-
bourg ren^t.

Nous nous rangeons k vos c5t6s avec d'autant plus de determination et de
vibrant patriotisme que la voix qui nous appelle est celle de nos fr^res opprimfe de par
le monde et qu'elleest par cons^uent la voix de Dieu. "Vox populi, vox Dei." Nous
estimons en combattant pour vous, que nous partidpons k la plus grande croisade
des temps andens et modemes, k celle qui doit lib&-er non pas seulement un lieu
saint ou un territoire quelconque, mais sauver la race hiunaine du joug le plus infame
que les barbares aient jamais song^ k lui imposer. Nous voulons que Ton puisse dire
que nous sommes les dignes fils de dignes p^res. Nous voulons, nous aussi, nous
ceindre de Tarmure de la Verity et de la Justice, afin de pouvoir entonner avec vous
le jour de la liberation cet hynme qui deviendra demain cdui des nations allite
aussi bien que le vdtre: "Allons enfants du monde civilise, le jour de gloire est arrive,
puisque c'est le joiu- de paix universelle."

O France patrie des De Guesclin, des Godefroid de Bouillon, des Bayard et
des Turenne, tes fils en Louisiane veulent aussi avoir leur page immortelle dans la
l^ende des siedes et ils te remercieront de les appeler k tes cotes.

O France patrie des grands liberateurs de 1789, patrie des Napoleon, des Joffre,
des Castelnau, des Nivelle et des Petain, nous percevons plus distinctement que
jamais ton appel claironnant auquel nous nous empressons de repondre avec alie-
gresse. Nous voila. Permettes nous de nous ranger avec nos etendards, qui comme
les tiens sont ceux de la Liberte, de TEgalite, et de la fratemite au plus fort de la
bataille afin que nous puissions verser notre sang avec le tien pour la plus grande
gloire des Peuples, et pour leur securite k venir.

Mere tendrement aimee et toujours veneree, tes fils n'auront pas travailie en
vain pour implanter ta dvilisation et ton genie -en terre d'Amerique car du fond des
forete impenetrables de I'andenne Louisiane et des marecages incultes du bas Mis-
sissippi, je vois accourir leurs descendants en rangs serres, qui viennent te saluer,
rendre hommage k ta vaillance, et se placer k cote de ceux qui depuis trois ans font
tresse une coiuDnne de gloire immortelle. Les Iberville, les Bienville, et les La Salle
t'auront conquis le plus beau de tous les empires, celui des coeurs et des esprits, que ni
le cours des ages ni les convulsions politiques ne peuvent entamer ou detruire.

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NOTES ON THE LIFE AND SERVICES OF BIENVILLE

By Miss Grace King.

{Read before the Bi-Centennial meeting in New Orleans,

October 24, 1917.)

Jean Baptiste Le Moyne de Bienville was bom at Ville Marie
(Montreal) in 1680. His father, Charles Le Moyne and his mother,
Catherine Primot, belonged to the best emigrant stock that came
from France to Canada, furnishing a race of pioneers unsurpassed,
if not unequalled by any that history chronicles.

The Le Moynes came from Dieppe. Dieppe had always been
one of the busiest stations on the road from the old World to the
New. Charles Le Moyne in 1641, opened his career in the New
World by taking service with the Jesuits, who sent him into the
coimtry of the Hurons, as trader, soldier and interpreter. After this
he entered into the service of Ville Marie on the frontier of
Montreal and at the age of 28, he was not only celebrated on account
of his fights and treaties with the Indians, but in addition was pos-
sessed of a large fortime, consequently in a position to marry. He
made a good choice and married well. The marriage is recorded in the
registry of the church of Notre Dame.

It has been said that no marriage ever contracted within her
lands, had ever been so profitable to Canada. Of the 12 sons of Le
Moyne, nine lived distinguished in history, three were killed on the
field of battle, three became governors bf cities or provinces.

The father died in 1685, when our de Bienville was only five
years old. He was raised by his eldest brother the Baron de
Longueil, who lived on the princely estate of Longueil, in his great
chateau which was the wonder of the time.

Bienville intended to pursue his career upon the sea, following
the example of his brothers Iberville and Serigny. At 17 he was
midshipman serving imder de Serigny and Iberville, in their heroic
expedition against the English at Hudson's Bay. He returned from
it with Iberville to France, where Iberville almost immediately re-
ceived the commission to discover and take possession of the Mis-
sissippi. He retained Bienville as his garde marin or midshipman.

It was a race between France and England for a great prize.
But Iberville was not a man to be distanced to a prize by any com-
petitor. He fitted out his little fleet with a rush, two small frigates

Taken from Jean Ba]>Uste Le Moyne de Bienville, by Grace King's "Makert of America/!
Series. Dodd, Mead. New York.

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40 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

and two sloops; engaged crews, laid in supplies, making his arrange-
ments he said, "not only to arrive first at the goal, but to fight for it
should he come in second." He sailed on the 24th of October, 1698—
and in due course of time entered the Gulf of Mexico, and began his
search for the Mississippi, passing Pensacola, then in possession of
the Spaniards, entering Mobile Bay, and finally anchoring in the
little harbor of Cat Island, as he named it, although the cats were
raccoons.

From the Indians on the opposite shore of the lake, he heard of
the great river, but could get no sure direction to it. Finally on
Friday, 27th of February, taking Bienville with him, he set
out in two barges, with provisions for 25 days, and leaving orders
with the ships to sail to France in six weeks if he had not returned.

The morning of Friday, 27th of February, Saturday and
Sunday were passed skirting around the shores and shoals
of the delta until a great storm overtook them. After
battling with wind and waves for three hours, as darkness was com-
ing on there seemed no choice but of perishing at sea or being wrecked
on the rocky palissades of the shore. Iberville put his barge about, and
with full wind astern, drove his boat on what appeared to be a rocky
reef. The rocks, they were only drift wood covered with slime,
separated before him. Beyond them was a great tawny stream;
the Mississippi was discovered. It was the night before Mardi Gras,
as the men reminded one another, lying around their camp fires. Then
followed their reconnoissance of the river; for some definite proof
that it was the Mississippi..

Bienville's barge went ahead, Iberville's following. The progress
by oars was slow and laborious. They secured an Indian guide and
at night they camped on the shore.

One night on the left bank of the river about 35 leagues or 105
miles from its mouth, on a point of the bank, they came to a small
Indian village of ten or more cabins thatched with straw; in a kind
of fortification; an oval space surroimded by canes and saplings the
height of a man. Both banks here were almost impassable on account
of the canes that grew to prodigious height and thickness.

The guide took Iberville six leagues or 18 miles above this
stopping place to about the site now of our city and showed him the
Indian portage between the river and the lake, where the French
ships lay. To prove how short it was, the Indian took a package
from the river to the lake and returned during the night. The French-
men explored the river as far as the Houma Indians, visiting the villages.
When Iberville, becoming convinced that he was in the Mississippi,

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Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 41

decided to return to his ships. Leaving Bienville to come down
the river, he with a guide made his way through Manchac
Bayou, into the lake and reached his ships eight hours
before Bienville. Iberville, imloading the ships, made a settlement at
Biloxi and Ocean Springs and sailed away to France with the news of his
success, leaving his lieutenant Sauvole in command of the little
settlement that had been made at Biloxi, and Bienville second in
command.

Bienville's task was to explore the new coimtry and render a report
to Iberville. He made a reconnoissance around Pensacola and explored
Mobile Bay and the river. After that he repeated his and Iberville's
explorations of the Mississippi and visiting the Indian tribes.
He went as far as Bayou Plaquemine and explored it. It
was on his return from this expedition while paddling down
stream, he discovered ahead of him two vessels lying midstream.
They proved to be English vessels in search of the Mississippi.
Bienville, advancing in his pirogue, recognized in the Captain of
one of them an old acquaintance and convinced him that the river
now belonged to France, strongly enough established to defend her
rights. The English vessels turned and sailed out of the river.
English Turn, in the Mississippi, commemorates this event.

Iberville returning during the following siunmer, set out in
search of a spot of high land, one not subject to inimdation, upon
which to build a fort on the Mississippi. He foimd it about 18
leagues from the mouth of the river, and began work at once upon it.
While this was going on Bienville was sent to make an exploration
of Red River. This he did to the satisfaction of Iberville. His
journal of it, though much too brief, is one of our most inter-
esting historical documents and is well worth careful study today.
He went as far as the Caddo Indians. Iberville, putting Bienville
in command of the Fort on the Mississippi, called Fort Maurepas,
returned to France.

The younger man had every difficulty to contend with — starva-
tion, scarcity of drinking water and dissatisfied men. SauvoUe, at
Biloxi, fared even worse; for yellow fever broke out among his men,
and he himself died of it in August, 1701. Bienville hastened over
from his Fort and at once took command. He was just 21.

Iberville, on his return trip to the colony, for strategical rea-
sons removed the French settlement at Biloxi to Dauphin Island in
Mobile Bay.

This settlement was only a temporary shift. Bienville was
forced shortly to abandon and choose a less exposed site.

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42 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

He removed to a situation on Mobile river where he built a substan-
tial fort called after the Kmg of France: Fort Loxiis de la Mobile
(the ruins are still to be seen). Here he remained in command and at
twenty-two years of age became as we call him, the first governor of
Louisiana, a name that then covered an extent of three states and a
half. It was not an easy position. Surroimded by hostile Indians;
with the aggressive English on the Atlantic coast constantly arming
new tribes against him and the jealous, treacherous Spaniards at
Pensacola always watching for an opportimity to drive him out;
harassed besides, by the internal dissensions in the Fort; the poison-
ous enmity of the Curate de la Vente, aided by the Conunissary
de la Salle, who left no stone xmtumed; no accusation that could be
invented, imwritten to v^nt their malignant spite and enmity against
the young officer. He nevertheless held his post imdaimtedly against
inside and outside foes through ten long years of trial and tribulation.
In 1712 the French government tired of its improfitable colonial
venture, made it over to the Sieur Antoine de Crozat, a capitalist
and moneyed favorite of the court; giving him a charter of its trading
privileges for the term of fifteen years. A new Governor La Motte
Cadillac was appointed in Bienville's place and he was transferred
to Fort Ste Rosalie, a post at Natchez, and made commandant of
the Indians. This was owing to his influence over the natives who
feared and trusted him above all Frenchmen. Cadillac, his most
truculent and disagreeable superior, pays this tribute to bim in his
report:

"I cannot too highly praise the manner with which M. de Bien-
ville has been able to gain the savages and dominate them. He has
succeeded in this by his generosity, his lojralty, his scrupulous ex-
actitude in keeping his word and every promise made, and by the
firm and equitable manner with which he renders justice among the
different Indian tribes. He has particularly conciliated their
esteem by punishing severely any thefts or depredations committed
by the French, who are forced to make amends every time they com-
mit an injxiry against an Indian."

This power over the Indians was soon proved in a remarkable
instance. In 1716 the Natchez revolted, pillaging Crozat's store
house, killing his commissioners and putting to death all French-
men, traveling up and down the river. Bienville at the time was
about leaving for his post with a small force of men. He hastened
his departure and paddling his pirogues with all speed up the river,
he arrived at the Tunicas a few miles below Natchez before the re-
volted Indians knew of his approach. He camped on an Island in

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Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 43

the river where he entrenched himself and then sent a summons to
the Natchez chief. Three warriors promptly answered, sent by the
chief to present the calimiet to Bienville. He coldly waived it
aside saying he would never smoke a calimiet of peace presented by a
Natchez chief. A week later eighteen warriors arriv^ bringing the
calumet. Again he refused it asking them haughtily what satisfac-
tion they were going to give him for the Frenchmen slain, declaring
that he must have the heads of the murderers brought to him with
the head of the chief who had ordered the killing. Five days later,
three heads were laid at his feet, but he was inexorable until the head
of the guilty ehief was brought him and then and then only would
he smoke the caliunet with the tribe. The Natchez never for-
got the pimishment, and never broke the peace that followed with
Bienville.

The Crozat charter came to ian end in 1717. Louisiana was
given over for 25 years to the Company of the West and otthe Indies,
whose president was John Law; and Louisiana, become the great
financial speculation of the day in France, was advertised and boomed
as never before or after in her history.

Soldiers, colonists, provisions and merchandise arrived and were
sent over by the ship load imtil the narrow accommodations at
Dauphin Island and Biloxi were blocked with the accumulating
human and mercantile freight. Bienville, who had been made com-
mandant xmder the new regime, profiting by his opportiuiity and the
necessity of the moment, took fifty men and put them to clearing
the site he had selected years before as the one site in his judgment
for the city, destined as he was convinced, to become the capital
of the Mississippi valley. He made a beginning by having a few
huts built here and settling on the spot a small number of emigrants.

There has been some discussion and a good deal of misappre-
hension concerning the true date of the foimding of New Orleans.

In Paris today, is celebrated the date of the official edict to the
Law Company, authorizing the founding of the city upon the banks
of the Mississippi.

Martin and Gayarre, our earliest and as far as we know, our
most correct historians, whose statements are generally accepted as
decisive, give the following.

Gayarre states:

**The government of Louisiana was accorded for a second time
to Bienville (Feb. 9th, 1718). The first act of his administration
was to seek a favorable settlement upon the Mississippi upon which

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44 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

to put his principal establishment." — Gayarre Histoire de la Louis-
ianne. Vol. 1, Ch. 8. page 162.

Martin tells it thus:

''On the 9th of February three of the company's ships arrived,
with as many companies of infantry and 69 colonists; Boisbrillant,
who came in this fleet, was the bearer of Bienville's commission as
governor of the Province. Bienville dispatched Chateaugay with
fifty men to take possession of the Bay St. Joseph. In the meanwhile
Bienville visited the banks of the Mississippi to seek a spot for the
principal settlement of the Province. He chose that upon which the
city of New Orleans now stands and left there 50 men to clear the
ground and erect barracks." — ^Martin. Vol. 1, chap. 9, page 204.

Both of these historians possessed all the docimients that we
have for historical guidance; and both lived a century nearer the
facts of the case than we do. Historians today generally base their
opinions dn these two authorities, considering them sufficient,
with the addition taken fi-om that imquestioned good soxirce of
historical information: The ''Journal Historique'* of Bernard de la
Harpe, which begins in 1699. This item comes in its proper sequence
of date in his journal: "At this time (Feb., 1718), M. de Bienville
sought a fitting spot on the banks of the Mississippi upon which to
establish his capital. He chose one since named New Orleans, situated
30 leagues from the sea, on the river, on accoimt of its communicating
with it by Lake Pontchartrain and the Bayou St. Jean. He left there
50 persons, carpenters and convicts, to clear the land and build a
few shelters."

The Louisiana Historical Society in consideration of this testi-
mony, passed a formal resolution in its March meeting, that the
dates for the celebration of the foimding of the dty of New Orleans
could, with all security of historical conviction, be decided upon as
February 9,. 10, 11.

The city was named for Law's patron, the Duke of Orleans, the
Regent at that time of France; and this is the one pleasant compli-
ment to a man, whose memory by common consent of historians,
has been consigned to infamy.

Bienville's own history is almost lost sight of now in the progress
and prosperity of his city, although his own responsiblities and labors
were increase by them.

It was not until 1722 that orders came from the Coimcil in
Paris to make the city on the Mississippi, the official capital of the
colony. In the meantime Law's Mississippi scheme had become the

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Notes an thz Life and Services of Bienville 45

Mississippi Bubble and Louisiana, overcapitalized by speculators,
was threatened with bankruptcy, the usual fate of such enterprises.

When the news of Law's failiu-e reached the city, a panic ensued
and all enterprise was stopped for the moment, but OTiigrants and
merchandise continuing to arrive, the momentum already acquired
was kept up, and soon it became evident to even the ill-wishers
among the officers of the colony that Louisiana in the parlance of
today was going to make good and in spite of tornadoes, conflagra-
tions and tempestuous disasters of all kinds and epidemics of fever
New Orleans throve and prospered, in the eyes of all. Not so its
foimder. A spirit of envy and jealousy, fostered by his discontented
coimcil board had long been set at work against him. Complaints
against him and his administration had passed constantly to France
from petty soiu-ces of malignity in the colony.

They had been treated with indifference by the Minister, but a
more formidable attack, prepared by his enemies, could not be
ignored ; this was an affidavit by Commissioner Raguet, countersigned
by the Superior of the Capuchins and Curate of New Orleans with a
notarial certificate attached charging Bienville with peculation and
malversation. A letter from the King directed him to return to
France and answer the charges.

He made his preparations and sailed at once. "Arrived in
France, he presented his justification to the minister, — the
memoir of the services that had filled his life since, a mere
stripling, he had followed his brother Iberville in quest of the country,
for the government of which he was now, a middle-aged man, called
to account.

"The services form all there is of the history of Louisiana up to
this date. Somewhat may be gathered of the history of Bienville
firom a few extracts. The paper b^ins: *It is thirty-four years
since the Sieur de Bienville has the honor of serving the king, twenty-
seven of which as lieutenant of the ^king and conmiandant of the
colony.'

"After the resumS of his policy with the Indians, —

" *It is not without trouble that I arrived at being absolute
master of so many nations of such barbarous tempers and such dif-
ferent characters, almost each one of which has a particular language.
One can conjectxu-e how many difficulties I encountered and what
risks I ran to lay the foimdations of the colony and maintain it to

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46 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

the present time. Necessity, it is said, renders us industrious; but
I experienced that it also renders us intrepid in danger^ and makes us
perform, so to speak, the impossible, in the different conjimctures in
which one finds one's self confined in an imknbwn world with such a
small force. I first applied myself to putting myself in a
position to govern by myself without the aid of an interpreter. I
applied myself to the language which appeared to me to be the
dominant one among the savages, and of which the knowledge would
facilitate me in learning the others in the end. I was fortunate enough,
from the first years, to gain their confidence and their friendship. I
studied, to know well their customs, so as to be able to retain them in
peace with one another; so that, for the twenty-seven years during
which I had the honor of conmianding in the province, I was the
arbiter of their differences. I always governed these nations, bom in
independence, so to speak, despotically, and I pushed my authority
to the deposing of chiefs.' "

"He terminates: —

" The Sieur de Bienville dares to say that the establishment
of the colony is due to the constancy with which he has attached
himself to it for twenty-seven years, without going out of it since he
made the discovery of it with his brother Iberville. This attachment
made him discontinue his services in the Marine, where his family
was so well known. . . .' "

"In New Orleans, the Superior Coimcil, through the attorney-
general, siunmoned the Sieur Raguet to sustain the deposition signed
with his name and given to the curate Raphael.

** 'The Sieur Raguet," says the requisition* of the attorney-
general, "did not appear, in consequence of which M. de la Chaise,
Superior of the Council, condemned him to pay a fine of ten livres,
and resiunmoned him. He neither appeared in answer to this second
sunmions, simply making answer to the clerk that he 'did not remem-
ber anything any longer,' in language and with a levity improper
and unsuitable to justice, showing everywhere a contempt of and
disobedience to the colony which should be suppressed. As in these
revelations the Sieiu: Raguet had advanced general accusations so
grave against all those who had been at the head of the colony, he
should either prove them, and not affect sileAce and default of mem-
ory, which was his excuse, or pass for a calunmiator, who, contrary

*"A messieurs du Conseil Superieur de la province de la Louisiane . . . arretes en la chambce
du conseil le 28 aout. 1725," sinwd De la Chaise, Pterrault, Faaende, Perry. The instructioiit to toe
Superior Council in regard to the investigation are not in the compilations of oflBdal documents either
ci Margry or Magne.

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Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 47

to the respect due his superiors, falsely accuses them of the most
horrible malversation, with the sole object of blackening them, and
insinuating the most disadvantageous opinion concerning them. It
was the council's duty on his [the attorney-general's] requisition, to
condemn the Sieur Raguet to such reparation, punishment, fine or
prison as they should judge proper.

With* nothing but the bare compilation of official records before
one, it is impossible to form other than vague conjectures as to the
effect at the time of these orders upon Bienville, his friends, and the
colony. The affairs of the latter since its foimdation had never been
in so equable and promising a condition, the colony itself never so
vital with life and strength, not from distant French interfusion, but
from the inherent vitality and strength, which men, like trees, derive
from the soil in which they are planted. Iberville's grasp of continent
had become a coimtry; Bienville's establishment on the Mississippi,
its city, its brain and nerve centre. The shadowy hopes of twenty-
five years ago were becoming realities; the poignant vicissitudes, a
parent's memory, from which the children's future dawned, a fair
and promising morning.

Bienville, while his letters of recall were journeying to him, was
holding regular sittings in New Orleans, with the Superior Council,
purveying to the ever-increasing legislative needs of the growing
commimity under their charge, recognized that the time had come to
extend the aegis of the law over the accumulating population of negroes
who had been, and were being, brought into the colony, with all the
crude barbarity of their native wilds upon them, by the competing
cupidity of alien companies. A legal mode was required for freeing
those whom gratitude or affection thus conmiended (a by no means
inconsiderable number, as statistics of the time show), and for de-
fining and protecting the human rights which a state of slavery still
allowed the others. The code of regulations, celebrated under the
name of the Black Code,* compiled by the jurists of Louis XIV, for
the island of St. Domingo, was adopted, and, with a few curtail-
ments and alterations, promulgated in Louisiana in March, 1724.
It was the last public ordinance to which Bienville attached his name
befwe returning to France. He, nevertheless, was destituted and in
his ruin involved his family.

Perrier was named governor to succeed him. His name dropped
out of the official records. His life in Paris is a blank which the
imagination alone can fill.

Affairs in Louisiana prospered and New Orleans progressed in
the good way of all conmiercially necessary cities. But under Perrier

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48 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

military discipline was relaxed and the absence of Bienville's firm
grasp and vigilant eye upon the Indians soon made itself felt.

Systematic injustice and daily petty tyrannies on the part of the
French had consolidated the whole Natchez nation against them.
In 1729, a culminating outrage; ursurpation of their territory by the
officer in command had been the signal of revolt; the gross careless-
ness and the blind self confidence of the same officer had not only
made the catastrophe possible but a bloody success. The massacre
of the entire French white settlement followed, and the news came to
Perrier of a general confederacy of the Indians and a grand plot to
massacre the entire French colony. The Natchez in the meantime
securely fortified themselves in their village. Perrier proved totally
unfit to meet the situation and the futility of his campaigns and his
failures to punish the Indians increased their confidence and audacity.
The warning came from New Orleans to France, "If it is desired to
save the coimtry which is in the greatest danger, it is indispensably
necessary to send back the Sieur de Bienville." The Ministry of
Marine acted upon it. Bienville was re-established in. his former
position by the Royal Government. He arrived in New Orleans in
1733 and took up his residence in his old hotel and for two years
devoted himself to the measures necessary to punish the Natchez.

His plan of campaign was one in which he thought he had
employed every imaginable means for success. Artillery and troops
were sent to him fi-om France under competent officers. He raised
a force of five hundred men in the colony and secured the coopera-
tion of friendly Indians. But his first expedition met with a defeat
as bad as Perrier's and he was forced to return to New Orleans
where he began anew preparations for another campaign based on the
disastrous experience acquired. All the assistance demanded from
the home govenmient was sent him; arms, anmiunition, provisions,
merchandise; seven himdred soldiers, including bombardiers, can-
nonniers, and miners; four himdred horses were collected for trans-
portation service, sixteen hundred Indians were added to the Colonial
troops. One hundred Canadians were sent to him. With such an
armament against them, it was counted on with confidence that the
Indians could make no effective resistance. But the end of this
campaign was even more disastrous than the first one. The end of it
was a council of war held by Bienville and his officers to decide
how to end with the least humiliation to the French arms a situation
that was becoming daily more critical and untenable. The Indians
assisted by bad weather, had proved themselves themillitary masters

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Notes on the Life and Services ofBeinville 49

of the French and had outfought and outwitted the pompous array
of arms against them.

Bienville, in his account of it to the Minister of Marine, says all
that could be said about his failure: *1 feel with grief that your
Highness will not be satisfied with this enterprise which has cost the
King so much expense; but I flatter myself at the same time that you
will kindly observe that I did not neglect a single precaution necessary .
to render the campaign as glorious as his Majesty had reason to ex-
pect;'* relating the conjunction, in time, of all his reinforcements,
his store of provisions; more than necessary, had it not been for the
inevitable obstacles, his loss of cattle and horses. "At any rate, my
Lord, if we have not come out of the affair with all the glory we had
a right to promise ourselves, the glory of the king's arms has not
suffered."

Through the succeeding years of his administration, Bienville's
sense of failure increased instead of diminished. His discouragement
sapped from his heart all the old optimism that had vivified his de-
votion to the colony. He wrote to the Minister asking leave to resign :
"The labor, the anxiety and the trouble of mind which I have had to
bear for the eight years during which it has pleased your Highness
to maintain me in this government have so enfeebled my healUi that
I should not hesitate to supplicate you to give me leave to cross over
to France by the first vessel of the king if the interest of the Colony
and my reputation did not exact of me that I should put the finishing
touches to the treaty of peace I have conmienced with the Chicka-
saws. It is thus after having re-established peace and tranquili-
ty in the colony that I desire that it may be permitted me to make a
voyage to France to restore my exhausted health. I supplicate
your Highness, therefore, kindly to ask permission of the King for me.
I do not expect to be able to profit by it before the return of the ves-
sel of 1742, and in case France does not take part in the war which
is lighted in Europe."

There is no allusion in any of his reports or letters to the jeal-
ousies, piques, and contentions with which he might have sought to
excuse some of the unsuccess of the expedition. On the contrary,
writing, so soon after his himiiliation, he makes a moving plea for
promotions among his officers andthat they be paid in bills of exchange,
instead of in the vitiated card money of the colony: —

"Losses have fallen upon them, which make their life so hard that it is
not possible for them to maintain themseves here. I supplicate his Highness
to have some regard to the very humble prayer which I have the honor ot
making him. I know that the officers who have no plantations, however

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50 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

moderately they live, cannot sustain themselves without going into debt; and
those who have plantations have difficulty in keeping even with their
revenues."

"If success had always responded. to my application to the
affairs of this government, and to my zeal for the service of the king,
I should willingly have consecrated the rest of my days to him; but
a species of fatality, for some time, pursuing and thwarting most of
my best-concerted plans, has often made me lose the fruit of my
labors, and perhaps a part of the confidence of your Highness in me.
I have not thought, therefore, that I should strain myself any longer
against my misfortune. I wish that the officer who will be chosen to
succeed me may be happier than I."

His last demand upon the Government was for a college for the
colony, to be situated at New Orleans — a demand that was refused.

The Marquis de Vaudreuil, his successor, arrived on the 10th of
May, 1743, when Bienville took his departure from the colony,
never more to see it. He had passed forty-four years working in it
and for it. As a mark of favor, the Minister of Marine allowed
him the bills of exchange asked for, in which to place proceeds of the
sale of his property. The fear of bearing too heavily upon the com-
merce, he said, had made him ask for only sixty thousand livres,
which would be about the sum of his effects and a part of his negroes.
He had decided not to sell his land at present, nor the rest of his negroes.
His salary for last term of his appointment was twelve thousand
livres a year.

Out of the oblivion of his after life in Paris the figure of Bienville
arises but once again into history, at the appeal of the colony which
had learned to call him "Father." It is an episode which local
traditions cherish, — z, scene the imagination loves to represent.

At Versailles, April 21, 1764, the king and his minister, De
Choiseul, signed the instrument which instructed the Governor of
Louisiana, Abadie, to make known to the colonists the fact of the
donation of their country and themselves to Charles III of Spain,
and his gracious acceptance.

It seemed too incredible, even from a king of France, too base
even from Louis XV. The colonists passed from their first state of
consternation to one of deliberation and reason. By a precocious intui-
tion of the rights of a people; a large and notable assembly, composed
of representatives from every parish, was held in New Orleans;
and to the orders of the king to Abadie, they responded, with a peti-
tion from themselves to the king — ^a petition heart-moving in its ap-

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Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 51

peal not to be thrown out from their mother-country, not to be
cut off from their ancestral allegiance.

Jean Milhet was deputed to take this petition to France and lay
it at the foot of the throne. Arrived in Paris, Milhet sought out
Bienville. The young ensign of the discovery of the Mississippi
was then in his eighty-six year. The white-haired Canadian patriarch
appeared with the young deputy before the courtesan's servitor
who had penned it all away, — the great Mississippi river, valley,
and delta, the long, unbroken line of Gulf coast, Iberville's great
scheme, his own great colony, the city he had foimded.

The chronicle merely adds that De Choiseul managed to pre-
vent both them and their petition from coming under the eyes of the
king, who, in his satumaUan orgies, far from remembering that he
had ever had a Bien\alle, had forgotten that he ever possessed a
Louisiana.

Bienville died in 1768. He wa^ thus spared overliving the final
passing of his colony and family and friends under the Spanish yoke.

During Milhet's absence the colonists, with the blind faith of
bigots in their king and country, refused recognition of Spanish
authority, ordering the Spanish governor, Ulloa, and his ships away.

Milhet returned with the account of his fruitless efforts. The
colony fell into the desperation that succeeds to hoping against hope.
A wild, premature flutter for liberty broke out in their coimdls.
Their talk, their speeches, rang with a tone which was afterwards to
be qualified in history as ''American." Armed resistance was made.
O'Reilly, the avenger of Ulloa and Spanish royalty, landed in New
Orleans, July, 1769. On the 25th October following, six of the rebels,
as they were called, were shot in the barrack yard. Among them was
Bienville's grand-nephew, the young Jean Baptiste, commonly
known as Bienville de Noyan. Six more were exported to Cuba and
condemned to prison for terms varying from six years to lifetime.
The twelve had their property confiscated. All the "chiefs and au-
thors of the rebellion," as wrote Ulloa to Grimaldi, minister of Spain,
were the children of Canadians, who had followed Bienville to
Louisiana, "and who had received so little education that they did
not know even how to write, having come, with the axe on their
shoulder, to live by the work of their hands."

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BIENVILLE'S WILL
MADE IN 1765.

In the name of the Father, etc.

Persuaded, as I am, of the necessity of death, and of the uncer-
tainty of the hour, I wish, before it arrives, to put my affairs in order.
Firstly, I consign my soul to God. I wish to live and die in the bosom
of the Church. I implore the mercy of God and of Jesus Christ, my
Saviour. I ask the protection of the Holy Virgin, Mother of God,
and of Saint John the Baptist, my patron saint, and of all the saints
of paradise.

I give and bequeath to the poor of the parish in which I die, the
sum of one thousand pounds, in one payment. I direct that three
hundred masses be said for the repose of my soul, in such church as
my testamentary executor may choose. I give and bequeath to the
herein-named Veuraine, called Picard, my valet, a pension of two
hxmdred and fifty pounds during his life, if he be in my service the
day of my death. Moreover, an agreement shall be made with him,
by which he shall receive, by the payment of two himdred and fifty
potmds, a life rental of the house I placed over his head. I further
give and bequeath to him my wardrobe, consisting of all my personal
apparel, such as coats, shirts. I further give him the bed and bedding
on which he sleeps.

I give and bequeath to the herein-named Renaud, my cook,
the sum of three hundred pounds, if she remain in my service till the
day of my death.

I give and bequeath to the herein-named Marechal, my footman,
two hundred francs, to be paid at once, if he remain in my service till
the day of my death.

I give and bequeath to the herein-named Baron, my coachman,
the simi of one hundred pounds, if he is still in my service.

I give and bequeath to the herein-named Marguerite, the girl
who helps in the kitchen, sixty francs, if she remain in my service till
the day of my death.

I declare that all my property is acquired, and that the little
which I should have received from my father and mother was lost
during my minority; for this reason, being free to dispose of my
property in favour of whom I please, I wish by this will, as much as
is in my power, to give to all of my nearest relatives marks of my
friendship and liberality.

I give and bequeath to my nephew, Payan de Noyan, Siegneur
de Chavoy, in lower Normandy, son of my sister Le Mojme de Noyan

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Bienville's Will 53

the sum of ten thousand pounds, to be taken from the share of my
grand-nephew, Payan de Noyan, to whom I advanced a like sum of
ten thousand pounds to buy a commission in the cavalry, and whose
note I hold.

I give and bequeath to my nephew Le Moyne de Longueil, son
of my eldest brother, Le Moyne de Longueil, a diamond worth
fifteen himdred francs, to be paid at once.

I give and bequeath to my two grand-nieces, De Grandive de
Lavanaie, (or Savanaie) who are daughters of my niece Le Moyne
d'Iberville, who was daughter of my brother Le Moyne d'Iberville,
each a diamond worth fifteen himdred pounds.

I make and institute my imiversal legatees for one fourth, my
grand-nephew Le Moyne de Longueil, son of my nephew Le Moyne
de Longueil, who is son of my eldest brother Le Moyne de Longueil;
my nephew Le Moyne de Serigny, younger son of my brother Le
Moyne de Serigny, for another fourth. My nephew Le Moyne de
Chateauguay , who is the son of my brother Le Moyne de Chateauguay
for another fourth. And my grand-nephews Le Moyne de Serigny de
Loir, and their sister, children of my nephew, Le Moyne de Serigny
de Loir, for the last fourth.

I charge my said universal legatees to pay all my just debts,
should I leave any, — I do not think I shall, — ^and to carry out all the
provisions of this my present will.

I name as executor of this will my said nephew Le Moyne de
Serigny, yoimger son of my brother Le Moyne de Serigny, praying
and desiring him to execute my present will as containing my last
wishes. To this end I revoke all other wills and codicils, this present
one containing my last wishes.

Made, written and signed by my hand in Paris the fifteenth of
January, one thousand seven himdred and sixty-five.

LE MOYNE DE BIENVILLE.

On the margin: —

Registered in Paris, the fifteenth of April, one thousand seven
hundred and sixty-seven.

Received: sixty-five pounds. — LANGLOIS.

I have forgotten in this will to make mention of my nephew
Payan de Noyan, son of my sister Le Moyne de Noyan, to whom I
give and bequeath a diamond worth fifteen hundred poimds.

Paris, the fifteenth of April, one thousand seven hundred and
sixty-five. LE MOYNE DE BIENVILLE.

Registered in Paris, April fifteenth, seventeen himdred and sixty- .
seven. Received: thirteen cents. — ^LANGLOIS.

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New Orleans Under Bienville

Sidelights on New Orleans in
BienvUle's Time

HELOISE HULSE CRUZAT

REFERENCES : Louisiana Historical Society M SS.

GorrespondMice Generale, 1678- 17t6

Loulslsiiifi GoncMsions

Documents sur la Loulslane

Notes from Margry

Mississippi VaUey 1690-1719

Gayarre's Essal Hlstorique

Hist, de la Loulslane par De Bouche

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NEW ORLEANS UNDER BIENVILLE.

By Heloise Hulse Cruzat.

The history of the founding of the city of New Orleans is of world
wide interest, combining as it does in its early years the most diver-
gent blood of Ei^ope, and having as a part of Louisiana, undergone
the most vital changes. Founded by the French, it was turned over
to failing financiers returned to a dissolute monarch, to be bartered
like ordinary chattel to Spain, reverting once more to France to be
sold to the infant republic which it has helped to swell to the giant
republic of today.

1718-1918.

1718. The Ryswick peace in Europe after long wars instigated
and allowed the establishment of Louisiana (1699) and the founding
of New Orleans (1718).

1918. The demon of war let loose over the whole world will
change our maps, alter boimdaries, and consolidate or annihilate
democracy. In the history of nations some dates conjure up the
past, repeopl^ it, bring back names and personages that loom up so
large at a period that they make it their own. In going over the ink-
eaten and time-worn documents in the care of the Louisiana His-
torical Society, the soundless voices of life and love and death re-
suscitate these wraiths of the past. We live over with them their
hopes and fears, their disappointments, their failures and their
successes, and the grandest of them all is the **Father of New Orleans,"
Bienville.

Bienville the great, the just, navigator, explorer, soldier, legislator,
financier, surrounded by a halo which has not waned with time. In
a new and distant land he upheld the banner which bore the lillies
of France with its traditions of honor and glory; with strength of
character and courage which never faltered he faced danger, labor, pri-
vation, external and internal foes. His great mind rose above per-
secution and petty jealousies; he realized and mastered the needs of
the colony he foimded on the banks of the Mississippi and forced
the nations of this continent to treat it with respect. His work was
not the outcome of a thirst for gold nor adventures. A higher ambi-
tion stirred his soul, and the sublimity of the task he imdertook and
fulfilled equaled that of the missionary. Bienville belonged to that
race Casgrain has called "the strongest ever implanted on the Ameri-

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56 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

can continent: the Canadian. The noblest blood which ever ran
in the veins of humanity flows in theirs, — the blood of France."

The Frencl; Canadian family of Lemoyne did so much for
Louisiana that we have as great a claim upon it as Canada. Six
of the Lemoyne brothers gave their services to the establishment of
Louisiana, and one of the daughters paid her tribute of blood to France
in the person of her grandson, de Noyan, one of the Louisiana martyrs.
Bienville was of Norman descent. His father, Charles Lemoyne,
was bom at Dieppe, Normandy, (France) in 1626. His parents
were Pierre Lemoyne and Judith Duchesne, The transplanting
of Bienville's ancestors in the new world dcame in 1641, when Charles
Lemoyne went to join his uncle, Adrien Duchesne in Quebec. Short-
ly afterwards, the boy of fifteen was sent by the Jesuits to the Huron
settlement, where he remained four years, and in that time learned
all the Indian dialects (journal des Jesuites). He afterwards served
as an interpreter at Ville Marie and married there, in 1654, Catherine
Thierry, bom in Rouen, (France), but we find her in Quebec in
1652, as a pupil of the Ursulines. She was afterwards called Catherine
Primot from her foster parents, who, after her marriage to Charles
Lemoyne, legalized the adoption. In 1657 Charles Lemoyne became
master of the grant of Longueuil, "concession seigneurale," op-
posite Montreal, south of the St. Lawrence river, and in the course
of the eight following years obtained the islands of St. Helena and
de la. Ronde.

In 1667, at the instigation of Talon, intendant of Canada, Charles
Lemoyne received from Louis XIV of France letters patent of nobili-
ty in retum for services to the crown. He is supposed to have named
the grant of Longueil from the village of that name in Normandy,
but Viger says that it was so called by Lemoyne in significance of
the extensive view of the St. Lawrence from Longueil (long-oeil).
He received three concessions besides those above mentioned, among
them Chateauguay , which title he annexed in 1673 to that of Longueuil
**Sieur de Longueuil et de Chateauguay (notes from Howard library).
Charles Lemoyne died in 1685 and his widow in 1690, Lemoyne
shortly before his death ceded his title to his eldest son Charles.
Charles Lemoyne and Catherine Primot had 14 children.
1°. Charles Lemoyne, Sieur de Longueuil, created Baron of
Longueuil in 1699, first married to Elizabeth Souard d'Adou-
court, and secondly to Marguerite Legardeur. This first
baron of Longueuil with two of his brothers took part in the
battle of Hudson bay. At the death of the Marquis de Vau-
dreuil, govemor of Canada, the baron de Longueuil govemed

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New Orleans Under Bienville 57

the country during the year which elapsed before the nomi-
nation of the next governor. He was killed at the battle of
Saratoga. Prom this Charles (II) Lemoyne descend the Grant
family of Canada who have a right to the title though they
do not bear the name of Longueuil.

2"". Jacques Lemoyne, Sieur de Ste Helfene, took his title from the
island of that name opposite Montreal. He was killed defend-
ing Quebec in 1690. The Onantaguas in consideration of hisr
valor adopted him, and at his death sent his widow a delega-
tion bearing a porcelain necklace as a sign of sympathy. He
had married Jeanne Dufresnoy Carion and left two daughters
and a son,

y. Pierre Lemoyne d' Iberville, a soldier at the age of fourteen,
was the greatest mariner of his time. He was the first to enter
the Mississippi by its delta and fotmded Louisiana. He died
of a fever in Havana in 1706, aged 44 years. He had married
Marie Therese PoUette de la Combe Pocatiere and left two
children. His widow, by a second marriage in France, became
Countess of Bethune.

4**. Paul Lemoyne de Maricourt, bom in 1663, married twice.
His first wife was Marie Madeleine Dupont de Neuville and
the second Francoise Aubert. He accompanied Iberville in all
his expeditions and aided him in concluding the great treaty
of peace with the savages in 1700. Paul Lemoyne died in
1704.

S"". Francois Lemoyne de Bienville I, bom in 1666, died in 1691,

at Repentigny, Quebec, fighting against the Iroquis,who set

- fire to the house he was defending. He was but 25 years old.

e''. Joseph Lemoyne de Serigny, bom July 22, 1668, married to
Elizabeth Heron, soldier and explorer, died as governor of
Rochefort in 1734. He left two sons and a daughter.

T. Francois Marie de Sauvole, born September 22, 1670, died
August 22, 1700 or 1701 (explorer).

8**. Antoine Lemoyne lived but a day.

9°. Catherine Jeanne Lemoyne, born March 15, 1673, married to

Pierre Payen, Seigneur de Noyan, captain in the navy.
W. Louis, Sieur de Chateauguay, January 4, 1676, killed in battle

November 4, 1694 — aged 18.
ir. Marie Anne, born May 13, 1678, married October, 1699, to
Jean Baptiste Bouillet, 6cuyer, Sieur de la Chassaigne, govemor
of the town of Three Rivers.

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12°. Jean Baptiste Lemoyne de Bienville (II), the "Father of New

Orleans,'* bom February 23, 1680, died in Paris m 1768.
IS"*. Gabriel Lemoyne, Sieur d'Assigny, bom November 11, 1681,

died, 1701.
14°. Antome Sieur de Chateauguay (II), bom July 17, 1683, died

March 21, 1747, govemor of Cayenne, of Tlsle Royale. He

married Emilie de Fontaine.

The name of Lemoyne among the descendants of Charles Le-
moyne de Longueuil, extinct in Canada, still existed in France at
the end of the past century in the posterity of Joseph Lemoyne de
Serigny, govemor of Rochefort. — (Jadouin and Vincent, Howard
Library and Annals of the Ursulines of Quebec.)

Pierre d' Iberville, the third son of Charles Lemoyne, had dis-
tinguished himself by exploits which had brought him great renown.
His victories over the ^^nglish in Hudson Bay and on the New Found-
land coast read like a tale of the ancient Paladins, and when the peace
of Ryswick brought respite to France and seemed to break his career,
his mind and desires tumed to explorations. He petitioned the
French Cabinet for a conmiission to explore and colonize the lower
part of the Mississippi. He obtained a fleet of four vessels, and, at
San Domingo, added to it another under conmiand of Chateau-
morant. The first land they sighted was Santa Rosa island and the
harbor of Pensacola (formerly Anchusi). It was in possession of the
Spaniards tmder Don Andres de la Riola. A heavy fog like a winding
sheet enveloped the harbor and both French and Spaniards waited
with no little anxiety for it to lift. The French were not allowed to
land and the Spanish after an exchange of courtesies, on the gulf,
bade them God-speed with as much alacrity as politeness. A letter
from Chateaumorant to Count Ponchartrain gives details of this
reception. All that bears on this episode is contained in the following
excerpt:

(Translated from Louisiana Historical Society docimients.)

''June 23, 1699.
'Tour Lordship:

**I left, as I had the honor of informing you, Wednesday, De-
cember 31st, at midnight from the harbor of Leogane with Messrs.
d'Iberville and de Surg&res, Mr. de Grasse, captain of a light frigate,
embarked with me and was of great assistance; besides being a per-
fect sailor he knows all the rocks and ports to Mexico, having all his
life navigated on that route.

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New Orleans Under Bienville 59

'^Thursday, January 22, at 10 P. M. I found a sounding of 180
fathoms, mud bottom. I made for the channel waiting for daylight,
soxmding from hour to hour and as at two hours after midnight the
weather was exceedingly windy and the night very dark and stormy
and that I only found 160 fathoms of water, mud bottom, I gave the
signals of the point, where I stayed until Friday 23rd when the weath-
er cleared, and in soimding I only found 140 fathoms, mud bottom.
Then the wind being north N. W. I made my way with half sail
N. E. to hunt for land, soxind in hand; two and a half hotirs after
noon I found 36 fathoms, coarse sand, grey-white mixed with small
shells. At 4 P. M. I sounded and foimd but 32 fathoms same bot-
tom; at 5:29 P. M. I determined to anchor to wait for day, not sight-
ing any land, though the weather was fine. Night having come I
saw a great fire to N. W. . . . which showed me that I could not be
very far from land. I have since heard that when savages went on a
hunt they set fire to the ends of the savannahs holding wild beasts,
in the path of the wind, and these animals fleeing from the &e pass
the places where the hunters are posted who kill as many as they
wish. Whilst I hugged the shore, almost every night I saw these
fires. The savages choose a time of great drought to go on a hunt
and it is generally in December, January and February, because at
that time there are heavy north-west winds.

'*At six Sattirday morning, January 24th, I got undet sail and
steered for the cape, to the north, north-west, until 1 A. M. when I
sighted land, remained to N. E. only five or six leagues distant, then
I put on full sail for reconnoitering, but there was little wind; af noon
it was still north and N. E. about from four to five leagues. It is a
low land completely innundated and as I still held the sound in hand
two hours after noon I found 20 fathoms of water, coarse grey-black
sand; at 4 P. M. there were 16 fathoms, at 5 o'clock 16 fathoms fine
white sand, at six P. M. same bottom with black stains, and as I was
only two leagues from land I anchored to await day.

"Mr. d'Iberville came on my board this night and I told him,
that having come solely to aid him, we had but to follow his instruc-
tions and as to myself, I would follow him as long as my provisions
would permit me and that he would deem me useful.

"On Sunday, January 25th, at 6 A. M. the wind was to the east
and Mr. d' Iberville made the signals to set sail. I followed him,
running along the coast. We put the cape to the west.

"The Biscayen (shallop) was ahead of us with Mr. Lescalette
trying to discover some harbor or mouth of a river

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"At 9 A. M. Lescalette signalled that he had reached the entrance
of a river and came on board of Mr. d'Iberville's boat to tell him that
he saw boats and they inmiediately came to warn me, but as soon as
they boarded the fog became ^ thick that we had to anchor and they
begged me to give the signals .which were five cannon shots, that the
vessels and fishing vessels anchor also. The ships in port answered,
thinking it was their armadilla which was to pass there to go to Vera
Cruz. The fog lasted till 3 or 4 P. M. when we perceived sails and
vessels, one of which flew the white flag at the head of the main mast,
and a shallop with many persons coming to us, but when it was near
it stopped; we knew that it was because we had not yet shown our
colors; as soon as we unfurled the flag the shallop went back to land
and we sent no one on accoimt of the late hour, but we anchored
about one and a half miles. The next day, Tuesday 27th, Mr.
d'Iberville sent Mr. de Lescalette at the break of day to ask per-
mission to enter the port, tmder pretext of taking on water and wood.
I did not carry any flame, leaving to Mr. d'Iberville the whole care as
Your Lordship ordered in the given instructions. He sent a messenger
to ask me to display my cotors as my ship was the largest, and that
they could very wdl turn out to be English from the news he had.
They were Spaniards who had come to establish themselves since
three or four months. They were in bad condition, and were even
obhged to keep some of their men in irons whilst we were near,
coming as they did from all parts of the world. They began a fort
which is not finished; the country is so poor that the officers proclaim
that they wish, they were out of it. They say however that five or
six leagues inward it is not the same.

"The commander of this coimtry asked Mr. de Lescalette who
commanded the vessels of the king; he told him it was I, and he sent
me his sargent major with a letter expressing regrets not to be able
to allow the ships of the King to enter the port as he was forbidden
to permit any nation to do so, being a recent colony, not yet firmly
established, and as to the wood and water which we might need,
their men would furnish with their shallops as much as the King's
ships needed and as to other refi-eshments they needed them more
than us, having naught but what came fi-om Vera Cruz. I kept the
letters he wrote and if it pleases you I shall have the honor to forward
them to you. He also offered Uie officers if they wished to land to
receive them as best they could. Those who manned the shallop,
the sargent major and the officers with them, all speaking good French,
begged me for biscuit, saying they were starving on land and that, if
we wanted to receive them, they and some of their comrades on

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New Orleans Under Bienville 61

land would be delighted to leave this country and serve the King of
France. I had them fed and sent them word to guard well against
deserting because I would be obliged to send them back. As to the
sargent major, and the officers who came on board, from the way
they ate, we saw that what had been said was true.

"In concert with Mr. d'Iberville, I informed the Governor
that, not finding the King's ships in security, I would on the morrow
sound the entrance of the river, that I might be familiar with it in
case a south wind forced me into its mouth.

**0n Wednesday I sent Mr. de Brache, lieutenant on the Frangois,
with a pilot who sounded up to the anchored vessels, whereupon
the governor wrote and begged me to call back the shallops which
were sounding, and after getting my letter saying that l did not feel
secure, he sent me the royal pilot with orders for him to put me in
safety at some place on the coast, but not in their port. Those
people fear everything, they are very weak, they are few in niunbers,
and if we had orders to take their country, we would have done so
at small cost. I kept this pilot until the eve of my departure from their
port. He told me that there was a ship in the port with sails spread
for the gallions, ready to leave for Vera Cruz, and that the governor
was to leave on the 27th or 28th; that the arrival of the King's ships
had retarded his departure and that of his ships. I forgot to say
that the captain of one of these vessels came to dine on board. I
showed him the ship; he found it very fine. I wrote to the governor
on this captain's return, at Mr. d'Iberville's bidding, and told him
that I was tp sail along the coast in order to get news of some Cana-
dians who left Canada to join the savages, and to serve on them the
King's orders to retire.

"I had from this pilot, before sending him away, a description
of this coast and asked if there was no danger to range alongside.
He informed me that there was a bar a half a league out at sea.
You will see it marked on the map I am sending you. He named
these isles, isles of St. Diegue and, as I afterwards heard, was correct
in what he said. I showed him the map you sent me and he said
there were some places not well marked, but Mr. de Brache had one
from his brother, who is at St. Diegue, which he foimd much better
and which is certainly superior to the first as we saw in regard to this
coast. I also asked if there were any strange ships on the coast, he
said there were none. Then I asked Mr. d' Iberville if I was still
useful to him, to execute orders given me. He answered that he might
need me and begged me not to leave him, which I did as directed

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by you, following him, Your Lordship, till the day he gave his pack-
ages saying I could leave when I wished.

'^January 30th at 7 A. M. Mr. d'Iberville gave the order to start.
Saturday, January 31st at 7 A. M. we set sail.

"On the 10th of February I dined with Mr. d'Iberville and he
told me that as soon as it would be a little finer he would sail along
the coast to try and speak to some savages, which he did the same
day. He found a dugout with savages; as soon as they saw him they
all made for land and took to the woods, except one good old man
who had been wounded in the thigh, some days previous, by a wild
bull, and who could not escape as his companions. Mr. d'Iberville
made him understand thiat he was a friend, that he wished him no
harm, and seeing that the poor old man was cold he made him a pres-
ent of some shirts and a blanket, had him set on the ground and a
fire lit for him on account of the intense cold. The savage thanked
Mr. d'Iberville in his way and gave him to understand that he was
leaving, but would come back the next day.

''Mr. d'Iberville retired but returned the next day, and found a
great number of savages who received him very well. He took some
on board with him and left in their place his brother and two Cana-
dians. I saw them; they are all well built and robust and they told
us that their nations were: The Bayongonlas, Mongoulouchas and
Anaxis. I questioned them by sign and they answered like real
hogs by an aspiration.

"Mr. d'Iberville who will trade with them will more particular-
ly inform you of what he knows of them, if he can understand them.

"On the 20th of February, I dined with Mr. d'Iberville and he
asked me if I was in condition to be able to give him provisions for
his crew. I was too short to offer him any but had some flour and wine
from my provision bought at Ltogane. What I brought from France
was partly spoiled. I offered it to him on condition that he would
pay me what it had cost, so that I might buy more, or that he would
have the simi refunded to me in the same kind by Mr. Ducasse.
He wrote a letter to Mr. Ducasse who reimbursed me in kind. The
same day he gave me his packages saying that I was free to leave
when I chose, that he was going to look for the Mississippi and
would leave the vessels where they were with Mr. de Surgeres. I
asked the pilot if he had no acquaintances on this river. He said he
knew no one but he had heard of a river which went up to Canada,
which was beyond the isles of St. Diegue, but that at its mouth
there was no water, only great floods, and so great a quantity of
trees that they had formed a kind of bar and that he did not think

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New Orleans Under Bienville 63

there was more than one fathom of water. Mr. d' Iberville will have
the honor of telling you about it." Chateaumorant then gives an
account of all the mishaps which attended his return trip to Leogane,
San Domingo, where he arrived June 23, 1700.

Proceeding on its way the expedition arrived at Mobile Bay
and touched at an island which they called Massacre, on account
of the large quantities of bones found there. This island was re-
named Dauphine Island by Bienville and Diron d'Artaguette in
1711, the French authorities in Paris finding that the gruesome
appellation was not encouraging to immigration. The next islands
on their route were the two Chandeleur islands, a barren stretch of
land named from the recent celebration of the feast of Candlemas;
Isle Bourbon, now Cat Island, infested by raccoons which the French
took for cats; Hpm island, (granted in 1717 to Bienville) ; Deer Island
which Raudot petitioned for as a grant "to raise rabbits;" and Ship
Island, where the greater part of the expedition emcamped whilst
the rest remained on Chandeleur island.

From Ship Island Iberville and Bienville headed a reconnoiter-
ing party to the mainland. The variegated hues of foliage which
clothes the gulf coast in mellow beauty in Autimm had passed away,
but the abundant and stalwart trees on that thickly wooded coast
precludes its ever taking on the forlorn aspect which denuded trees,
draped with sombre grey moss, impart to some shores.

Reaching the bay they came upon seven dugouts with savages
who fled to the woods at their approach, but they were able to catch
up with an old man and a woman whom they loaded with presents,
at the same time giving the man a mat to sleep on, and lighting a fire
to keep him warm; unfortimately, as La Harpe relates, the grass
caught fire during the night and though the French rescued the
aged savage arid cared for him he expired shortly after.

However, the woman whom they had treated so cordially in
duced the savages to meet the white men. These savages belonged
to the peaceful Bilocchy tribe. Iberville named the bay Biloxi, and
the next day met the Bayougoulas. Having established friendly
relations and exchanged presents they smoked the calumet, and as
customary, when the ceremony was ended d' Iberville gave them the
caliunet which was made in the shape of an iron ship, adorned with
''fleurs de lys." and then left them to follow out his mission and
search for the delta of the Mississippi.

On February 27th, d'Iberville, Bienville and SauvoUe with 48
men left Ship Island, Iberville and Bienville in separate barks, and
on the third day after their departure came in sight of a great ex-

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panse of water which seemed like an angry flood. The wind howled
and swept over them in widening gusts, the white crested waves
rolled on, and broke with deafening sound against the shore. The
heavy dark clouds lowered imtil they seemed to blend with the black
foaming waters. Threatened by storm and wind no landing was pos-
sible on the spongy banks, when another obstacle rose before them
in the shape of destructive reefs. Iberville, in desperation, drove his
boats on them, — the slush parted, — the hollow of his hand filled with
the muddy water and brought to his lips proved it to be sweet — and
the end seemed to have been reached. As they ascended the river
canebreaks, sun-baked prairies, and now and then a patch of primeval
forest passed before their expectant eyes, but no sign of human life,
but, even in that season, the air was vibrant with insect life.

They reached the Bayougoulas before being certain that they
were in the Mississippi. The Mississippi which had been the river of
the Inmiaculate Conception, bearing on its virgin bosom Marquette
and Joliet; the river Colbert when it carried down to its mouth the
indomitable Cavelier de la Salle, the river St. Louis in Iberville's
day; the Indian Meschacebee, "Father of Waters," and the Mal-
bouche, (with its destructive mouth), which went from the gulf to
the lakes."

La Harpe says: "Mr. d' Iberville was xmcertain as to his being
in the Mississippi, finding none of the nations mentioned by La
Salle. The reason thereof was that the Tangipahoas had been
destroyed by the Quinipissas who had taken the name of Mougala-
chas. He was greatly satisfied that Mr. de Bienville, in searching for
Father Athanase's breviary foimd in an Indian basket a prayer book
(paire d'heures) in which were inscribed the names of several Cana-
dians of Mr. de La Salle's detachment and a letter from Tonty
to de La Salle. He wrote that having heard in Canada of his departure
from France to foimd an establishment on this river, he had des-
cended it to the sea with twenty Canadians and thirty Shawnee
savages from the neighborhood of the Wabash. This news dispelled
all doubts and confirmed the situation of the entrance of the Missis-
sippi at 29° Lat. — (Journal historique de La Harpe. MSS. La. Hist.
Society papers.)

Other relics of La Salle's expedition were found in possession of
these Indians, among them Tonty's coat on a Mougalacha chief.
All doubts laid to rest, the expedition continued on its way up the
Mississippi as far as the settlement of the Houmas, visiting and con-
ciliating the savage tribes and smoking the calimiet or chanting
it with them.

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New Orleans Under Bienville 65

"The Calumet/' says Gravier, "was among the North American
Indians the mysterious symbol of honor and sworn faith. Sceptres
and crowns in their day were never the object of more sincere or more
deserved respect.

"The cross of honor and the flag have a more restricted signifi-
cance. The commimion which boimd the knights of the middle ages
and the love feasts of the Christians of the first centuries are more
faithful images of it.

"In the memory of man the faith of the calumet was never
violated. There was one for peace and one for war. They were
distinguished by the color of the feathers ornamenting them. Red,
color of blood was special to the war calimiet.

"The calumet, a kind of pipe, was formed of a perfectly polished
red stone. The stem, two feet long, was trimmed with gaudy feathers
and women's hair.

"In aflFairs of minor importance it was smoked arotmd, passing
it from hand to hand. In a great ceremony, in honor of a distin-
guished stranger or a neighboring nation, or to declare war they
danced it." — (Translation.)

In some tribes the caliunet was made of marble. The ceremony
ended by the gift of the caliunet to the honored guests.

At the Bayougoulas Iberville fotmd the calumet with the fleurs
de lys which he had given to the savages he met on the Biloxi coast.
On reaching the Houmas the explorers halted. Aroimd the
Hoiuna village there was a pallissade of canes 10 feet high. Their
.temple was in the centre and had a ciraunference of 30 feet, the roof
was made of split cane. Among the tribes of the lower Mississippi the
chichicouchy rattles were used in their dances; they were made of
gourds in which were enclosed a few pebbles.

From here the expedition redescended the river to the Ascantia
river, otherwise the Bayou Manchac, and Iberville and Bienville
separated, Iberville returning to Biloxi by way of Manchac through
the lakes, and Bienville continuing to the mouth of the Mississippi.
Iberville passed from Bayou Manchac through two lakes which he
named Pontchartrain and Maurepas, after the minister of Marine
of France, Coimt Pontchartrain, and the other for the Minister's
son. Natchez was then one of the eight villages composing the Indian
village of Theloel. Iberville called it Rosalie in honor of the Countess
of Pontchartrain. Many of the names then given by d'Iberville
remain to this day to recall the French domination and the memory
of the great man who fotmded Louisiana.

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Manchac, which means Indian Pass, was long known as Iberville
river; Plaquemine, from the French word for persimmon, which
aboimd in that regipn; Pointe a la Hache and Pointe Coupee explain
themselves; La Croix from the cross planted there by the explorers,
and Baton Rouge from the leafless red stalks which grew there; Bay
St. Louis for the King of France, and Biloxi and Pascagoula from the
tribes inhabiting them.

Iberville on his second voyage came through Bayou St. John
where there was a well known Indian trail. Du Pratz says he came
through Bayou Tchoupic, and that the deserted village of the Quini-
pissas was on the banks of Bayou Saint John. The conclusion,
either way, is that Iberville on this trip covered or came very near the
present site of New Orleans, on which spot formerly stood the ancient
village of Tchouchoimia. In Gravier's '*Decouvertes et etablisse-
ments par le sieur Cavelier de la Salle," there is a map by Franquelin,
dated 1684, which bears the site and name of Tchouchoimia. When
the French ascended the Mississippi in 1699 this village was but a
memory; it had been destroyed, or the savages, as it is iisual with
them, had sought fresh vantage grounds.

Bienville and SauvoUe continued down the river, but the brothers
met at a point 18 miles from the mouth of the Mississippi. The ground
covered had alternately been swamps and canebreaks, but here it was
high and of easy access, so they determined to erect a fort. They
had laid it out when Tonty appeared among them. Maltot re-
mained to finish the fort and Iberville, Tonty and Bienville started
out to explore Red River. The first cotton planted in Louisiana
came from seed given by Iberville to the Houmas on this expedition^

In these explorations Iberville was accompanied by Serigny,
Bienville and Sauvolle. Many historians have contended that
Sauvolle was not a Lemoyne, that Iberville and Bienville never
referred to him as their brother. It must be remembered that Sau-
voUe's career in Louisiana was of short duration. Iberville, omnip-
otent in the colonies from powerful influence he commanded in France,
obtained for Sauvolle a nomination as governor and placed the
yotmger brother second in command. In a Lemoyne genealogy he is
mentioned as Siexir de Sauvolle, Governor of Louisiana. Baron
Marc de Villiers du Terrage, a recognized authority on Louisiana
history, says in his "Demises Ann66sde la Louisiane," page 6, speak-
ing of the voyages on the Mississippi: "A month later d'Iberville
returned to France to secure reinforcements, leaving the govern-
ment of the colony to his two brothers: Lemoyne de Sauvolle and
Lemoyne de Bienville." Further he mentions that Iberville on his

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New Orleans Under Bienville 67

return to Biloxi brought "to his brother Sauviolle his nomination as
governor," left him some provisions and recommended to his brother
Bienville to continue the progressive exploration and occupation of
the Mississippi.

The Mississippi and Red River expeditions ended, Bienville
remained at the fort on the Mississippi and Ibferville returned to
Biloxi and began the construction of a fort on Biloxi bay. It had
"four bastions and 12 pieces of artillery." When the clearing was
made and the colonists housed, Iberville, the coimt de Surgferes and
Father Athanase Membr6 returned to France, leaving Sauvolle com-
mander and Bienville as first lieutenant.

Now b^ins properly speaking the Bienville record as father of
Louisiana as well as "father of New Orleans." In this short sketch
of Bienville many incidents will seem to have been passed over
lightly and others to have been wholly forgotten, but Grace King's
able and fertile pen has left so little for those who come after to glean
that one hardly dares to tread the ground she has so thoroughly
covered.

SauvoUe's first act of authority was to import provisions from
San Domingo; his next care to establish friendly relations with the
savages. The usual presents were given by the French to the savage
tribes. It afterwards became a yearly duty. The English in order to
gain over the savages tried to outdo the French in generosity, tmtil
the fund for presents weighed heavily on the French, and to prove
efficacious it should have been inexhaustible. They accepted the
custom almost as a tribute and instead of considering it a generosity
classed it as cowardice.

Sauvolle, following Iberville's instructions sent Bienville to
explore the bayous of the Mississippi and it was on his way back to
Biloxi that he met an English sloop of war. This episode from which
English Turn took its name is mentioned by d'Iberville in a
letter to Ponchartrain.

Excerpts from d'Iberville's letter or journals of his second
voyage to Louisiana:

"On the morning of Janxiary 9th Sieur de Sauvolle came on
board and told me that an Engli^ sloop of 12 cannons commanded
by Captain Banc came into the Mississippi river towards the end of
September; my brother Bienville had gone there with 25 men to
sotmd its mouth. He foimd this sloop 25 miles in the river and
ordered it to retire, otherwise he would compel it to do so. The
captain did not hesitate and made for the sea. He learned from him
that in October 1688 three ships had left London to form an estab-

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Ushment on the Mississippi, that they had put in to harbor at Carolina
from which two boats left, one of 24 cannons and the other of 12.

"Having gone to the end of the gulf searching for the Mississippi
which, according to relations, was 100 leagues further west, he had
found no port except in a bay 80 miles west from here, between
islands where he fotmd enough water for large boats, but no river,
only a sandy coast, well wooded near which there was a Spanish
settlement on the banks of a small river.

*Trom there they followed the coast, going east, without finding
any port up to the Mississippi in which the small boat had entered,
the large one having retraced its route to Panicos, having a meeting
fixed at the Judjos river on White Cape."

White Cape was the east end of Santa Rosa Island. — (Translator's
note.)

'This Captain asked many questions about several Englishmen
from Carolina who must be on land higher up, where he wished to
lay up. He threatened my brother to come back with boats able to
enter the river, where he had fotmd but 10 or 12 feet of water, to
make an establishment on one of its banks. He pretended that the
English had discovered it more than 50 years ago and taken posses-
sion of it with the intention of fotmding a cplony there. I do not
believe that the threat will be carried out.

* 'Several Englishmen from Carolina were at the Chickasaws
where they trade deer skins and savage slaves. They come from
Carolina by ascending a river which ends at high mountains over
which they make a portage and carry, by means of mules, their
provisions to the Chickasaws.

**This report came from a missionary priest from Canada, who
was sent to the Tonicas who inhabit the banks of a river which
empties into the Mississippi, 20 leagues aboye Tensas. He went
there with one of the Tonicas to see if there were any Canadians with
beaver skins to sell.

"These Englishmen solicit the Chickasaws to kiU the missionaries,
which fact was made known by other savages, our allies. I shall take
measures to take these Englishmen, first drawing them away from
the Chickasaws, for fear of giving offense to the latter who are our
friends.

"Mr. de SauvoUe will have the honor, Your Lordship, of render-
ing an account of all that has happened at the fort, where there is
nothing extraordinary. Four men died there. Coming and going
from different places I passed there in January for sotmdings and in-

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New Orleans Under Bienville 69

vestigation for establishing a harbor without finding anything good
and commodious.

"Messrs. d' Avion and Montigny, missionary priests from Quebec,
placed at the Tensas, came to the fort last sunmier with twelve
Canadians who joined them at the Arkansas, to which they re-
turned.

'The Oumas and Bayou Goulas reported that the Natchez
killbd Mr. de Montigny and oneof hismen who went to their village.
This news gave me much grief to see ourselves at war with that
country and to see the Oumas and the Bayou Goulas declare it to
each other. This precludes my sending persons up the river in safety
and stops communications between the Illinois and the sea, for
which consideration I believe a reconciliation with the Natchez
necessary, and to also bring about peace between the Bayou Goulas
and the Oumas, to be able to penetrate more safely and sensibly into
the lands to discover the commercial advantages we may expect in
this coimtry.

'*I believe, your Lordship, that it was necessary to take posses-
sion of the Mississippi by a small establishment, for fear the English
might make one knowing that we have none, and that it might be a
pretext to maintain themselves, there.

'Tor this reason I left February 1st, in the long boat with two
feluccas, and sixty men, and all that I needed for my journey to
these lands. On February 3rd at 9 a. m. I entered the river, in a
strong east wind and by the East Pass where I found but eleven
feet of water, and the entrance difficult of access, the channel being
but twenty paces wide. In the two other passes there, water is only
seven and eight feet high. At midnight I met my brother Bienville
and six men who were eighteen leagues up in the river, the nearest
spot to the sea in the river which is not inimdated. A Bayou Goula
was brought from the village. He assured us that to the right, going
up the river, there are six or seven leagues of land which are never
under water at high water time. On the edge there is a border of
wood 50 paces in width of oaks, ash, elm, .poplar, and back of them
prairies 75 leagues in depth in which are bouquets of trees. "I set
workmen to cutting down the trees and squaring, in order to built a
square house of 28 x 28 feet, two stories high with machicoulations,
two four poxmders, surrotmded by a ditch of eight feet width. I shall
leave my brother Bienville in command here with 15 men.

"On the 10th I sent a felucca loaded with provisions up the river
as high as the Bayou Goulas. This winter is very severe, and strong
south winds and heavy rains delay my work.

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'*0n the 16th, Mr. de Tonty arrived in a canoe with two of his
men, and 19 Canadians in five canoes who had joined his party.
Some are from Tamaroua, some married and at the Illinois; they
brought beaver skins which they left at the Bayou Goulas. They
relied on finding merchandise here and hoped to dispose of their
beavers which embarrass them greatly. I heard from Mr. de Tonty
that there is no truth in the report that the Natchez have killed
Mr. de Montigny, that they are our friends as well as the other
nations.

"Being ready to ascend the river of La Sablonnifere I invited
Mr. Tonty to go with me which he did with pleasure. Considering
that it was for the King's service I induced the other Canadians
to do likewise, paying them as the other Canadians for the time I
employed them, in powder and other merchandise which I have here
as presents, and which I shall use to satisfy them. I hope. Your
Lordship, that this will meet with your approval. I needed this aid,
not having 30 Canadians to take with me, 20 being sick and the
others at the fort on the river.

**Mr. de Tonty denies ever having written ar^ "relations" of
this coimtry. Whoever did so made them on spurious memoirs to
earn money.

"Mr. de Tonty will be of great assistance as he spieaks the Illinois
dialect and some of the Canadians will serve as interpreters.

"This reinforcement of good men will enable me to push much
further on. I shall be at least two or three months on this journey
in order to become well acquainted with the country in case I should
be short of provisions, having only enough to last to the month of
July. I have written to Mr. de Surgeres that it is advisable for him
to retiUTi to France as soon as possible and to leave me, from his
share, one month's provisions and more if he can, as he, like myself,
has enough to last till the end of July.

"The 17th and 18th, there was a heavy sleet during the whole
day and it was very cold. The 19th I left with Mr. de Tonty to go
to my felucca 40 miles above on the river, at a portage of one league
from Lake Pontchartrain to the river, where I made Mr. Lescalette
come with all his baggage by the biscayen (a shallop or long boat);
he will make pirogues at this portage and ascend the river.

"Mr. de Tonty and the other Frenchmen believe that he cannot,
with safety, go to the Sioux without being pltmdered by the Illinois,
who are determined that no Frenchmen shall go to the Sioux, their
enemies, with munitions of war. They pillaged eleven Frenchmen,

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New Orleans Under Bienville 71

who had 33,000 potinds of beaver skins on their return east last
October.

I sent the larger long boat to sound the coast to the Appalachees
and verify the report that the English are established at the bay of
Carlos.

The long boat having burned, without our ever being able to
find out who set &e to it, prevented me from sending east and west.
I thought it was preferable to send to the Appalachees and find out
what is. going on there on accoimt of the English who know a river
in the land where they are which empties into the sea near Appala-
chicola.

"The establishment of the Spaniards which the English fotmd
about 90 leagues to the west of the Mississippi is where Mr. de La
Salle went, and from which place he did not like to see the approach
of other nations; I will hear news of this at the Cenis where I think
they may be established.

"From the way the people above speak there are lead and copper
mines in abtmdance beyond the Tamarouas. If I had been able to
send for a sample I wotild have taken it away this year. I shall send
a reliable man to look into this. The Tamarouas are 480 leagues
from the sea coast in the upper part of the river. The Sioux, where
where Mr. Lesueur* is going are about 800 leagues from it. The
opinion of 15 men who followed this river is that Mr. Lesueur will not
be able to reach it this year.

"I hope,. Your Lordship, that before I leave this country I will
know it well enough to make a faithful report.

"The 23rd I went to the portage from which I sent my brother
with men to the Tensas to get a Shawnee who speaks all the dialects
of the savages on the Sablonniere. This soldier will come over land
to meet us at the Cadodaquias. The 26th I reached the Bayou Goulas
with my feluccas which I rowed to bring in 10 marine guards and some
of my men who were not able to go by land. The Canadians have
about 4,000 fat dried beavers.

"I remain with profotmd respect, Your Lordship,

Your humble and obedient servant,

Signed: d'IBERVILLE."

SauvoUe dtuing the short time he governed the colony proved
that he was capable and "firm. His first care was to send to San Do-
mingo for provisions. Famine was a frequent guest in those first
colonial years, the colonists and the mother coimtry being bent only
on the discovery of mines. France exploited Louisiana, but the

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help sent was so irregular that Bienville from his fort on the Mis-
sissippi, had to send his starving men to himt at Bay St. Lx>uis,
(1701) and SauvoUe gave the missionaries going to the Natchez,
15 pounds of beads to pay for com, which they were to put in a hut
so that it would be ready lor those who would come for it, (1701).
SauvoUe writes that he is obliged to extend charity to travelers, of
whom there are sixty in Biloxi, though he is hardly in a position to
succor them. They had come down from Canada with peltries and
beaver skins and he awaited orders from the mother cotmtry; in the
meanwhile he had not allowed a single beaver skin to be embarked
on the vessel which carries this letter, (1701). A memorial from
Canada to France complained of the exodus of Canadian traders to
lower Louisiana where they disposed of their peltries and skins and
thereby hurt the commerce of Canada.

SauvoUe, foUowing out d'IbervUle's instructions, sent BienviUe
to explore the bayous of the Mississippi and on a mission of concilia-
tion among the diflferent savage tribes.

SauvoUe was for establishing the principal post on the Missis-
sippi. He considered Biloxi to be of minor importance, and wrote to
Coimt Pontchartrain that the destitution of the neighboring savages
was such that if the hope of discovering mines was not realized the
mother coimtry would never be reimbursed for the expenses in-
curred.

To discourage him stUl more, famine could not be avoided,
notwithstanding the help of the friendly savages, and, foUowing it,
came that dread scourge, yellow fever, to which the ambitious and
promising young commander fell a victim.

Bienville came from the fort on the Mississippi to replace him,
and though this sketch is supposed to deal with BienviUe in New
Orleans, it w6uld be incomplete if some account was not given of
his previous services at Fort Bourbon on the Mississippi, where
IbervUle had left a few Canadian famUies; in BUoxi, Dauphine Island,
Mobile, etc. He actjuired great power over the savages, who loved
him for his kindness but dreaded his imflinching sense of justice.
He. conciliated some savage tribes by presents and promises, but
others he had to subdue. His provisions were scanty and his force of
men inadequate, but his will and spirit were indomitable and he
achieved success whidh siupaissed aU expectations. Famine again
made ravages in the embryo colony, and the years following SauvoUe's
death were strenuous ones for the young commander. There were
several factions in the colony headed by the Curate de la Vente and
La Salle, who was second in command.

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New Orleans Under Bienville 73

D'Iberville's powerful influence in France thwarted their plans,
but their open insolence did not abate. In 1704 The Pelican arrived
at Biloxi with provisions, ammunitioh, two companies of soldier^
and 27 women and girls, but it also brought the plague from Havana.
Bienville reports 25 deaths on board, 22 dead at the fort and two-
thirds of the garrison stricken down. In this letter he mentions that
there is no fresh meat and that the sick are nourished with broth
made of salt meat. He begs the King to maintain a transport for
cattle in order to end this hardship.

The curate and La Salle continued their intrigues and finally
succeeded in having Bienville recalled to France, but de Muys, who
was to replace him, died before reaching Louisiana. Bienville,
awaiting the appointment of another commander, remained in com-
mand, but La Salle, caught in his own trap, was replaced by Diron
d'Artaguette, who having investigated, according to orders, Bien-
ville's administration, exonerated him of all the charges La Salle had
brought against him. There are documents proving that Bienville
at this time, far firom enriching himself at the expense of the govern-
ment, was so poor that he had to borrow money to meet his daily
expenses.

It was in this interim that Bienville proposed to exchange three
savage slaves for two negroes. The only colonists who up to this
time had amassed any kind of fortxme were tavern keepers who
dispensed liquor.

Diron d' Artaguette in a report to France mentions a few colonists
between the Mississippi and Lake Pontchartrain. Gayarre places
this small colony of *'5 to 7 inhabitants who have planted an arpent
of com" at Gentilly. These were the first farmers of Louisiana, for
it seems to have been a fixed idea with the other colonists that they
were to receive everything necessary for their subsistence from
France.

To replace De Muys, Lamothe Cadillac was sent to Louisiana,
and if his first memorial had carried persuasion with it, Louisiana
was doomed. He winds up all his disparaging remarks by calling the
colony, in 1716, "a beast without head nor tail." We have not to deal
with his mistakes, but the consequence. There is no doubt that this,
added to d'Artaguette's disparagement of Louisiana, determined the
concession to Crozat of the exclusive commerce of all the territory
owned by France between Carolina and Mexico, and of that lying
on the Mississippi, the Wabash, (St. Jerome river) and the Missouri,
up to Illinois. In this charter it is evident that France claimed what
is now Texas. This monopoly was granted in 1712 and was supposed

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74 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

to last fifteen years. It gave Crozat exclusive right over all the
known and unknown products of Louisiana, and a sum of fifty
thousand pounds or francs was to be allowed yearly by the French
government for the salaries of officers of the crown. Its government
was vested in a Superior Cotmcil.

It obligated Crozat to send yearly two -ships and a fixed number
of colonists to Louisiana, and it was this charter which instituted the
slave trade in Louisiana. France admitted that once a year they
should send a ship to the coast of Guinea for negroes. The governor
resided at Dauphine Island. During Cadillac's administration
Bienville was sent against the Natchez, who had mxirdered four
Canadians, but with his usual obstinacy Cadillac gave him but 34
men with which to meet 800 Natchez savages.

Bienville with this small force knew that he was powerless, but
his sagacious mind soon formed a plan which he carried out to the
advantage of the French where they had nothing to expect but de-
feat from overwhelming numbers. The Great Sun, the Little Sun,
and the Tattooed Serpent were detained as prisoners xmtil Bienville
had obtained satisfaction and the heads of three murderers. The
fort which was later on to become the scene of a bloody massacre
was built at this time.

Crozat's monopoly was a signal failure, and in 1717 he gave up
his charter, which was turned over to a company registered in Paris
September 6, 1717, as the West India Company, with a capital of
one hxmdred millions, with privileges as extended as those granted
to Crozat. There were clauses added for the protection of the colon-
ists. For instance, no taxes were to be levied on them before the
expiration of three years.

Bienville was again nominated as governor, and in 1718 three
ships arrived with three companies of soldiers and 69 colonists.
Bienville was now able to carry out his cherished dream of a post on
the Mississippi, for which he foresaw the brightest possibilities.
The spot for the establishment of New Orleans had long been deter-
mined by Bienville. He immediately sailed for the Mississippi and left
there 50 men to do the clearing imder de Pailhoux, as commander.
It must have been between the 14th and 16th of April, 1718, but in
1719 there were only four houses in New Orleans besides the Com-
pany's sheds. Diron d'Artaguette in a memorial to France says
that New Orleans was really fotmded in 1722, for the men and con-
victs left imder de Pailhoux's orders to clear the canebrake and b^in
building had done nothing. lii 1719 a terrible hurricane and inunda-
tion occurred and made all work impossible. In 1720 the petty war.

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New Orleans Under Bienville 75

relative to the establishment of this post was still rife. Manchac,
in the interior and communicating with the lakes by Iberville river,
was deemed by many the most advantageous position; others thought
the principal post should be at Natchez, foimded since 1716; most
of the colonists preferred the capital to remain at Biloxi, and Le
Blond de la Tour, chief engineer of the colony, belonged to this
party. He had been ordered to look into the situation of New Or-
leems, and to remove it, if necessary, to a more favorable site, but he
neglected these instructions.

De Pauger soxmded the mouth of the river. He first foimd 10
feet and later on 14 feet of water at the entrance, making it naviga-
ble for the largest ships of the Company. In 1721 Bienville com-
missioned him to make the plan of the city. When de Pauger arrived
the convicts, unwilling to work, fled to the woods, and he had to ap-
peal to de Pailhoux for laboring hands. The commander put an officer
and a few soldiers imder his orders; and with these de Pauger finished
the clearing and laid out the plan of our present city.

Dumont says that the first circuit contained but four blocks
defended by a parapet of ditches, the second eight blocks facing the
river by five in depth. In 1721 there were not 500 inhabitants in
New Orleans, which was to comprise "all the land on both sides of the
river St. Louis," and that included between the river and Lake Pont-
chartrain, and from '*Lake Maurepas to the east, ascending to the
country of the Tonicas.'' De Pauger had to contend against the ill-
will exhibited by the clerk of the Company who threw all sorts of
obstacles and delays in his way; against insubordination and laziness
among the laborers, and persecution in every shape, but he persevered,
and when the plan was completed he sent a copy to Le Blond de la
Totir and one to Bienville.

Baron Marc de Villiers du Terrage says that the plan was *'mis-
laid between New Orleans and Biloxi." It remained in Le Blond de
la Tour's possession and he never produced it imtil ordered to do so
by the authorities in Paris. It may be easily conceived that Bienville,
who at first sight had discerned all the advantages of our present
site, lost no time in forwarding de Pauger's report on the Mississippi
and the plan.

Bienville held out for his cherished idea against intrigue and
opposition imtil the order came to transfer the seat of government
to New Orleans.

In 1723 we find Adrien de Pauger at work at the Balize. In
1724 the streets of New Orleans were first named. The city extended
from Esplanade to Bienville and from the river to Rampart. ^ Bar-

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racks and Hospital were not then open; the first street then mentioned
is rue de TArsenal, which afterwards became "rue des Ursulines,"
St. Philippe, du Maine, Ste Anne, Orleans (the widest), St. Peter,
Toulouse, St. Louis and Bienville. The river front extended to what is
now Decatur and was called "rue du Quay"; then comes Qiartres,
later on the portion from Esplanade to Orleans was called Conde
and the rest kept its name, Chartres; the next street was "Royale"
and lastly Bourbon. Dauphine was opened later and gradually the
city extended in length and breadth.

The MSS. of the Louisiana Historical Society show how little
appreciation was accorded to Pauger. His letters to France are long
recitals of the wrongs inflicted on him. Even his letters were inter-
cepted and tampered with. It was on his complaint that was issued
the decree inflicting a severe penalty for interception and opening
letters addressed to another. The development of the suit of Pauger
vs. Bienville seems like a tragedy, for the man who did almost as much
as Bienville towards the fotmding of New Orleans.

He was evicted from the land he had cleared and cultivated and
on which he had erected a house, but after his death De la Chaise
claimed and obtained for his heirs the price expended upon the im-
provements put on this land, and de Noyan, who represented Bienville,
turned the sum over to the estate of de Pauger. De Pauger was one
of the first proprietors of Pointe St. Antoine, later on Pointe Marigny
(at the site of Vallette St., Algiers). He died in 1726 and was buried
in the Parish Church, which on the same site preceded our present
Cathedral of St. Louis. One of the streets in olden times was named
rue St. Adrien from him, but it has long since been forgotten. New
Orleans seems to have been lavish in memorials to all passing heroes,
but entirely oblivious of those to whom it owes its existence.

True, it was the transmission of Crozat's charter to the Company
of the West India Company which determined and allowed the foimd-
ing of New Orleans, but it was Bienville's stubborn perseverence in
his design and de Pauger's accurate science and energy which were
the starting point of the rights we possess today. Their faith in the
future did not waver, and time has fully justified it. Laws' magni-
ficent scheme fell into fragments tmder treachery. Louisiana, doomed
to another change, weak and panting xmder a terrible bxirden, was
to emerge from its successive mutations strong and brilliant. Truly
the history of the world is not made by chance.

When Bienville fotmded New Orleans his first care was to
protest against seniding to the infant colony such persons as would
retard rather than advance its growth and prosperity; he wanted no

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New Orleans Under Bienville 77

useless mouths to feed, he pleaded for a clean city and his plea was
granted, as may be proved by an ordiance from France prohibiting
the importation of criminals, vagabonds, etc., to his colony. It was
customary for European nations to send their criminals and tiu-bu-
lent element to their colonies in the new world. What Bienville
obtained for Louisiana was not extended to the other French colonies,
but Bienville obtained redress in New Orleans.

Since it has so often been brought up against us let us mention the
girls who came to New Orleans. Those who came from the house of
correction went to Pascagoula; those who came imder charge of the
gray sisters had been, as demanded "raised in piety and drawn from
sources above suspicion, and knew how to work." As to those sent
to New Orleans m 1728, (De Villiers du Tarrage says, 1727), they
were virtuous girls of whom no descendant need be ashamed. They
were entrusted to the care of the Ursulines, where they remained
until married. Le Mascrier gives an amusing accoimt of their landing,
the precautions taken to guard them, the speed with which their
respective marriages came off, and the quarrel over the last remaining
one, for whom lots were cast. "One alone," he writes, "had come
willingly and was called the damsel of good will." These girls were
called the "filles de la cassette" from the small box or tnmk given
them by the King.

The mother cotmtry had forbidden the granting of lands in free
teniure from Manchac down to the gulf, but it encouraged concessions
of two or three arpents frontage by a depth of 60 arpents to different
families of workmen and soldiers. The purpose of this ordinance
was to.increase the number of inhabitants, to hold them near together,
above and below New Orleans, so that, in case of attack, the entrance
from the gulf side might be adequately defended. The lands conceded
were to be partly cleared and cultivated within the first six months
and a verbal process made of taking possession of grant, letters
patent registered, land to be completely fenced, front, rear and sides.
The colonists neglected these conditions and their indifference gave
rise to discussions and quarrels. The records of those days aboimd
in suits of expropriation, recovery of land, etc. The Company
provided negroes to aid in cultivation, and they were paid for in
installments at stated periods. Some of the colonists sold these
negroes before they had finished paying for them. They were obliged
to obtain permission from the Company to sell even a part of their
land. Htmting and fishing were free throughout the colony.

In 1723 it was decreed that concessions which had not been
cleared and cultivated or had otherwise failed to comply with the

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conditions imposed on them should revert to the Company of the
Indies, which Company was free to concede them to other colonists.
Abandoned lands likewise reverted to the Company.

That same year the King reduced the quantity of the land to be
conceded from 60 arpents to 20 arpents; those however who had more
than 20 arpents in cultivation were confirmed in their titles of pos-
session of all the cultivated land and the surplus went to the Com-
pany.

The lands granted were paid for four years after taking pos-
session of them. To enable the Company to construct churches,
presbyteries and hospitals, a tax was levied on each negro head.
They tried in the beginning of the colony to concede lands carrying
with them the title of "sieur," but this fell through inmiediately
and the "sieurs" in Louisiana came from France and Canada. The
fact is that the best part of our population were hardy Canadians,
some with titles and others of humble origin who had come to build a
home and seek for fortune. — Compiled from Notes from Margry and
MSS. of Loxiisiana Historical Society.

Concessions granted to the colonists with the purpose of encourag-
ing agriculture would have been of no avail if the Company of the Indies
had not allowed and encouraged the importation of negroes from the
coast of Guinea. Negroes and negresses, in good physical condition,
above 17 years, were called "piece d'Inde," which meant that they
were property of the Company. In 1721 about 900 negroes came
from the coast of Africa, but one of the frigates burned at sea with its
human freight and only 500 reached Loxiisiana.

A colony of Germans sent to Law's concession (1721) as colonists
lingered long at Biloxi before obtaining transportation to the Missis-
sippi. Famine survened and they were decimated not only by sickness
and privation, but by poison fix)m ravenously devouring plants,
imknown to them, to appease their hunger. On Jime 4, 1722, another
company of 250 Germans, imder Chevalier d'Arensbourg, a Swede,
arrived in Louisiana, and with them came the news of Law's failure
and flight. One may imagine the despair of the colonists, and the
destitution which followed this news; but France seemed to shake
off its usual indifference; a shipment of provisions reached the colony
and hope revived, but the hurricane of 1722 again threw the colonists
into desperate straits. The only remedy which could be suggested as
alleviation of their misery was free passage in the Company's ships
for those whose discouragement led them to wish to retiuii to France.
Among these were the lately arrived German colonists. Bienville
to retain them conceded lands to them 20 miles above New Orleans,

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New Orleans Under Bienville • 79

on both sides of the river, in the present parishes of St. Charles and
St. John the Baptist. D'Arensbourg was named commander of the
"German coast" and these men became the most successful and
thrifty cultivators of Louisiana. Bienville placed many of these
destitute families on his concession which he partitioned into minor
tracts. A sale to Rodolphe Guillard by Veurer, a German vassal
of Bienville, shows on what terms the lands were given. In 1727,
Veurer, with the consent of de Noyan, acting for Bienville, turned
this tract over to Guillard on a yearly rental of 6 farthings an arpent
or 36 francs in all. He was held to 12 days labor in the year for
benefit of Mr. de Bienville, and also to furnish him 12 capons. Veurer
owed 372 francs and Guillard accepted this responsibility.

In this so called German company there were men of different
nationality: Pictot, aged 50, came from Moncoutour, Brittany;
Gaspard Toubs, Erizman and Maurice Kobel were from Switzerland;
Jacques Poch6, was from Artois, France; Joseph Waguespack, was
from Alsatia, which was then a French province and had been one
since 1648; the Verret family of the ''German coast" came from
Quebec, Canada, etc.

About this time the Company of the Indies divided Loxiisiana
into nine districts : Mobile, New Orleans, Biloxi, Alibamons, Natchez,
Yazoo, Nachitoches, Kaskaskia and Illinois, which had been incor-
porated in the government of Louisiana in 1717.

In 1723 Bienville had the satisfaction of transferring the seat
of government and his residence to New Orleans. There were then
about one himdred houses and two htmdred inhabitants in the city,
and the distress was such that the governor implored the Company
to send salted meats to save them from starvation. With all these
internal troubles Bienville had not been spared anxiety from without.
The recurrence of quarrels with the turbulent Natchez savages
came from illicit trade between them and the French colonists,
and finally led to a second Natchez war. Bienville again subdued
them and claimed the heads of the assassins of the Frenchmen, but his-
efforts and success brought no satisfaction within the colony. In-
trigues went on increasing in importance and numbers and finally
Hubert's caliunnious accusations occasioned his recall to France.
His last act was to promulgate the Black Code for the government
of the numerous negro slaves indispensable to the planter. This
code was so complete and so deserving of commendation that O'Reilly
adopted it for Spain with only a few minor changes. Bienville had
been in Loxiisiana 34 years when recalled. He presented a memorial
to the Minister justifying his administration of the colony, recalling

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his campaigns, his services, his discoveries, the hardships endured,
the attachment of his family to the King in whose service seven
brothers had given up their lives, he and three others still being
in the service, faithfully performing their duties to crown and country.

His departure did not mend matters; his cousin de Boisbriant,
governed the colony until the arrival of Perrier, named to succeed
him.

Bienville had obligated the planters to make levees before each
plantation, and imder Perrier this work took a more general aspect.
In 1727 Perrier announced that the levee was finished befwe New
Orleans, that it was "nine hundred fathoms long by eighteen in
width and heighth. This year it will extend six leagues above and six
leagues below the city, and these extensions, though not as strong
as the city levees, will prevent inimdation."

There was a canal on Bourbon, street and every lot was surroimd-
ed by a ditch. Bienville had intended to connect the river and
bayou St. John by a canal but had not been able to carry out his
plans. He had succeeded in driving the colonists to cultivation of the
land and success had followed, holding out a promise of future
prosperity. Harvests were abimdant; rice, indigo and tobacco
became staple products; the soil produced native fruit, and others,
such as oranges and figs were readily naturalized. The impulse was
given and Louisiana imder an experienced administration would
have progressed rapidly, but insubordination was always rampant
in Louisiana, and the outside conditions demanded so much atten-
tion that it was difficult to quell the turbulent spirit and dissensions
within. Bienville had held the savages in check by his individuality.
They knew that any hostile act would be swiftly followed by retribu-
tion. Perrier tried to keep all the tribes on the Mississippi from the
Arkansas post to the delta in peace; he made presents to the Chicka-
saws to induce them to harass the English; he had tried to fortify
the different posts but had met with no response, and finally the
.brutality and despotism of the conmiander at the Natchez post
brought on a conspiracy which was intended to be general, and
which, if it had not been thwarted in its imity by a Natchez savage
woman, would not have left a single Frenchman on Louisiana soil.
As it was, the massacres at the Natchez and Yazoo posts cost the
French 250 lives at Natchez alone, and at the Yazoo post but one
woman escaped. Even the Choctaws vacillated between joining the
conspiracy or denoimcing it. The Chickasaws were the instigators
of this conspiracy, though then at peace with the French, and after
the ineffectual campaign undertaken by Perrier, to pimish the

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New Orleans Under Biemille 81

Natchez, they gave refuge to the Natchez fugitives. Diron d'Ar-
taguette throws the blame of the failtire of the French to obtain
satisfaction from the Natchez on Governor Perrier.

Perrier in his report says that he cannot sufficiently eulogize
those who took part in the retaliating expedition. Perrier himself
acted treacherously towards the Natchez chiefs whom he made
prisoners when they had come at his instance imder a flag of truce.
The Great Sun, the Little Sun, 450 women and children and other
prisoners were sent to Hispanola to be sold as slaves, and the Natchez
through vengeance continued their depredations on the river. The
Chickasaws espoused their cause and harassed the colony on land
and water. Mr. de Beauchamp in a despatch (1731) complains of
Perrier's hardness to colonists and foes and begs for Bienville's
recall, as he alone could subdue the savages.

The Company of the Indies had held their charter 14 years and
during that lapse of time had spent twenty million pounds; they
now gave it up and Bienville was again sent to Louisiana as governor
in 1733. Stopping at Cape Frangois, San Domingo, he saw the
Natchez chiefs who had been sold as slaves; they assured him that
they had been goaded on to hostilities by cruelty and injustice, and
that his return would bring tranquility to the colony.

A letter from Perrier, dated March 6, 1733, relates that as soon
as Bienville arrived in New Orleans he transmitted the government
to him, though Bienville, the eve, had sent him an insulting message
by the Sieur de Macarty, who came to his house (intoxicated) and
signified to him that he must at once remove his belongings or he
would have them thrown on the street. Bienville, to Perrier's dis-
gust and amazement, rfefused to be received before the troops, and
thought it suffident to be installed in presence of the Council. He
criticizes Bienville's design of concluding a treaty of peace with the
Chickasaws and thanks the Minister for his recall.

Bienville immediately set to work to clothe the destitute troops,
to study the changes in the colony, in order to ascertain its needs
and know what posts he should reinforce. The barracks were not
habitable; he suggested a new building and pavilions adjoining the
barracks as lodgings for the officers. He also petitioned the King
for a year's pay to the retired soldiers who had been formed into
companies to fight the Natchez. He expected them to remain as
inhabitants after their discharge if the gratification was allowed.
He asked for the same compensation for those serving at I'isle Royale
and thereby retained an industrious and useful imit as population.
He also claimed a shipment of guns to replace those of the garrison.

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out of service from use and rust. As products of Louisiana, he
mentions: Indigo, abandoned for the culture of tobacco; rice; sugar
cane, for which he dreads the frost; cotton, sea island cotton, a failure,
but Siam cotton comes abundantly and without labor; the seed
being hard to separate a mill was invented of which great results
were expected. He speaks of silk, (the Ursuline orphanage, the cradle
of the fabrication of silk in New Orleans) ; hemp, results not satis-
factory; linen, fine and good; bray, tar, etc. In this memorial Bien-
ville and Salmon also mentioned their intention of renewing com-
merce with the Spaniards "which had been surrendered throu^ bad
faith and incapacity," their wish to foster and protect the establish-
ment of the Jesuits for the welfare of the colony; he states that the
fimd of 5000 poimds which the King allows for maintainance of the
hospital is insufficient, his Majesty having 800 men in the troops,
two-thirds of whom are continually ill with fevers and d3rsentery.
This same year famine and an epidemic of small-pox visited the
colony, and desertions increased from want and fear of the plague;
the savages profited to become more aggressive, and BienvUle was
obliged to invoke the aid of Beauhamais, who sent the Canadian
savages against the Chickasaws.

Bienville on his return foimd that the feelings of the savages
towards the French had greatly changed since the Natchez war.
His influence over them had been unbounded. Cadillac, who was his
enemy, was forced to recognize it, but Bienville now foimd the differ-
ent tribes in sympathy with the English and seeming to disdain the
French since the Natchez war. The Chickasaws and Alibamons were
almost English allies and the faithful Choctaws and Illinois were on
the verge of a break with the French. Bienville realized the difficulties
of the situation, but, with his usual pertinacity, imdertook to over-
come them. He had never allowed the savages to come to New Or-
leans or Biloxi for their presents. He gave the chief an individual one,
and those remitted to him intended for the nation he distributed as
he chose. After Perrier the chiefs were numerous; the customs were
so different among the savages and so well rooted that it was impossi-
ble to return to the old order of things. All these chiefs controlled a
party and had to be dealt with according to their influence. The
Natchez, during some time after Bienville's return, remained quiet,
but with that absolute quietude which portends evil, the Illinois
and Ouabache tribes were imcertain, the Nachitoches had for some
time been more than restless, the Osages had killed eleven French
hunters. The colony had every reason to fear that they were on all
sides surroimded by treachery and danger. Bienville had little

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New Orleans Under Bienville 83

hope of re-establishing the conditions which existed in his previous
term. Perrier's domineering spirit, want of discernment, cruelty
and weakness, had borne bitter fruits. Conciliation was possible
with some, and war on others was inevitable.

The Choctaw chief called Red Shoe, in 1734, was invited by the
English to visit their settlements in Carolina. The French had
shown this chief very little consideration; the English gave him a
commission, the title of King, a medal, presents and the flag of Great
Britain, which he proudly displayed on his return among the Choc-
taws. The Jesuit Father Beaudoin was Bienville's friend and had
great ascendency over the Choctaws, among whom he spent many
years as a missionary. He counselled Bienville and used his in-
fluence over them to tiie advantage of the French, but they remained
divided in their sympathy between the French and the English.
Red Shoe let no pretext go by to thwart the plans of the French and
de Lery reports that, while the troops were on the march in the
Natchez and Chickasaw campaigns, the English came into the
Choctaw camp with twelve horses laden with provisions and mer-
chandise and traded with these savages. The Choctaws had 32
villages, and the scarcity of French provisions made it difficult to
supply their wants and facilitated the intrigues of the English traders.

Bienville felt the coils of savage warfare tightening around him.
He could put but 200 soldiers in the fleld and his savage allies could
not be relied on. The Chickasaws had 450 well armed warriors and had
erected fortifications. They had five palisaded forts and their cabins
were surroimded by triple rows of stakes and so covered as to make
them fire proof. In a letter to France, (1736), the writer says that
miners and not soldiers would be required to destroy these Indians
as they lived buried like badgers in huts like ovens covered with
thatched straw roofs. The roofs, he declares, would bum but the
hut, in the shape of a half circle, made of mud a foot thick, arotmd
and above, is indestructible by fire or anununition. They are more-
over so disposed that they held together and defended each other. —
(Margry's notes.)

Bienville and d'Artaguette had planned to meet and take the
savages between two fires, but d'Artaguette reached the place in
March and Bienville, owing to continued rains, arrived only in the
month of May. d'Artaguette, no longer able to hold his savages,
gave the signal for attack. The Illinois and Miamis abandoned the
French and d'Artaguette and many brave officers lost their lives.
Some Iroquois had been in d'Artaguette's command and on their re-
turn excited the Hiu-ons and Ottawas against the Chickasaws. A

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letter to France (Feb. 21, 1737,) denies that Mr. d'Artaguette and all
his oflScers were left dead on the battle field with Pere Senac and
seventeen others: "These unfortunates were thrown alive into two
fires prepared, by the savage women who watched them bum to
death." The slave Avoyelle, a prisoner of the Chickasaws, relates
these facts which she witnessed. She also declared that during the
preparations for this barbarous holocaust the Frenchmen and the
black robe sang as is the custom of the savages who value a warric^'s
courage by the soimd more or less loud of his voice when death is
inflicted. The savages only spared the lives of two soldiers whom
they are to exchange for one of their chiefs named Courseac whom
Mr. de Bienville holds as a prisoner of war.

After d'Artaguette's defeat, the Illinois post was re-enforced
with men and munitions and Bienville was planning a second cam-
paign. The confederate savages comprised the Chickasaws, the
Natchez,. the Chouanous, etc. They ntunbered about 800 and Bien-
ville deemed it imprudent to march against them with less than
one thousand good soldiers.

In 1739 Beauhamais sent a detachment commanded by the
Baron de Longueil and Lesueur wrote from his post at "Tombecke,"
that the Choctaws were well disposed towards the French. Red Shoe,
dissatisfied with the English, was willing to serve Bienville. The
Canadian forces and those from the colony were to meet at a point
near the Chickasaw settlement. The reconnoitering of the ground,
by the engineer de Verges made for the last campaign was to serve
in the present one but it no longer existed and Sausier and de Noyan
sought another. There were in the army coimting savages and whites
in Canadian and local forces, about 3,600 men. Yellow fever deci-
mated the northern troops, and when a road was finally located by
the engineer Broutin, their provisions were exhausted and they b^an
a retreat. As Bienville retired Mr. Celeron and his Canadians and
savages appeared and marched against the Chickasaws, but no
battle took place. The Chickasaws humbly sued for peace which
they obtained from Bienville by giving up Natchez savages and by
binding themselves to the extermination of this nation which had
been as prominent in North American annals as the fire-wcM^ppers
of the Orient. Celeron saved the honor of the French of the lower
Mississippi and was the hero of this last campaign. Bienville's
memorial of May 6, 1740, giving an accoimt of these events is replete
with excuses for this imfortunate campaign; he felt and says that the
French cabinet would not be satisfied with results which did not
justify the considerable sums expended in this cause.

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New Orleans Under Bienville 85

When we consider Bienville's position during this second term,
we can hardly blame him. He says in asking ior his recall that "fate
was against him/' fate in the shape of traps laid by faithless and un-
scrupulous fellow-citizens bent on his undoing, and the years of
maladministration and mistakes of his predecessor. He feared to let
the propitious moment go by of seemingly dictating peace terms
when later on he would have to accept them, iot the weakness of the
Louisiana colonists was apparent, and it was fostered and increased
by dissension and the complete absence of that esprit de corps which
would have made them strong.

That the peace concluded would be of short duration was to be
expected, but before a year had elapsed the Natchez again began
their depredations on the Mississippi and on the Wabash. The
Natchez took refuge with the Cherokees, and the Chickasaws were
only deterred from abandonment of their settlement by its extreme
fertility.

Bienville, since 1740, had asked for his discharge and in March,
1742, he again broached the subject. He knew that his continual
efforts for the betterment of the colony had not always been followed
by the success they deserved, but his fidelity and zeal could not be
questioned. This was the tenor of his petition through its long word-
ing, and though he knew that his time in Louisiana had drawn to its
dose, he zealously guarded its interests till the day of his release in
1743.

To take Bienville's dimensions as explorer, foimder and states-
man, would require an able pen, but Spne who has studied the his-
tory of Louisiana, can withhold themeed of reverence and gratitude
due this grand figure. His career began at the age of twelve, follow-
ing an older brother through danger and hardship on land and sea,
to a new world, part of which he helped to conquer and give to the
old. From the day he set foot on this soil and with the eagle eye of
genius foresaw the possibilities of the site on the Mississippi, he
dreamed of foimding a great city; he nursed that dream and fought
for it with strength and mind imtil he made it a reality and a success.
He gave his heart, his mind, his strength to foster the life of the city
he created with foresight of its future success, but without illusions
as to the gratitude which should have been his by right, without
conviction that his work and sacrifices would ever overcome the
cabalistic warfare waged against him which embittered his life,
especially, without hope that the mother coimtry would uphold him
till final success.

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From the day he left New Orleans in 1726 to seek rest and peace
in Paris, rue Champfleury, to that other day when realizing its great
mistake France returned him to Louisiana to unravel the tangled
skein of weak administrations, Bienville's brave heart never faltered.
Through penury, distress and war he steered his colony with ability.
He sacrificed his youth to its foimding, he gave his manhood to its
establishment and development, and in his declining years came the
dark hour when, at the foot of a tottering throne, he pleaded in vain
for its life as a child of France.

As phantoms all those years of toil and persecution, of expedi-
tions undertaken and battles won faded into nothingness, and the
brave spirit which had never quailed went down before the annihi-
lation of all his past.

His death in 1768 saved him from adding to this crushing blow
that of the bloody tragedy which inaugurated the Spanish domina-
tion, and in which the Lemoyne blood again flowed for France.

HELOISE HULSE CRUZAT.
April 23, 1918.

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SIDELIGHTS ON LOUISIANA HISTORY.

To appreciate the changes and progress which two centuries
have brought to Louisiana we must know its past history; not the
history of its battles and conquests, but the chronicles of its adminis-
trations, its moral and its strenuous life, the crimes committed and
the penalties inflicted, the influences brought to bear upon religion,
education and manners, all of which stamp the national character.

The documents and excerpts which follow, derived from papers
and MSS. in care of the Loxiisiana Historical Society, give the side-
lights which will put in relief the inner life of the colony in Bienville's
time.

Church and Education in New Orleans.

Bienville's first care in foimding New Orleans was to choose a
site for the church, accompanied by the Jesuit, Ignatius de Beaubois,
he selected a central tract in the plan of the city and Bienville with his
sword marked out the square where the Saint Louis cathedral now
stands. Religious services were first held in the Company of the
Indies' store and imder a tent, but, imder a father Matthias, there
was a church built of wood, dedicated to Saint Ignatius. It was
blown down by the hurricane of 1723 and this chiu-ch was replaced in
1724 or 1725 by a brick church called the Parish Church of Saint
Louis, which outlived the French domination and was a very active
unit of the Spanish domination during 26 years. Father Matthias
was its first rector.

When Crozat's charter passed to the Company of the Indies it
had to comply with an ordinance which compelled them to erect a
chtu'ch on any settlement made by the company, and to bear the
expense thereof.

In May, 1722, the company with the approval of the Bishop of
Quebec, divided Louisiana into three ecclesiastical provinces imder
the Carmelites, the Capuchins and the Jesuits. The recall of the Car-
melites left the whole region to the Capuchins and to the Jesxiits.
There was a RecoUet in New Orleans in 1720, and other priests,
oflF and on, from that date appear to have exercised their ministry
but they were not permanently established here. The Capuchins
first appear in Louisiana records in 1720, though the King's brevet
to them dates from 1717. Father Matthias was in New Orleans in

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1720, but his signature also appears in "Old Biloxi" and in the Mo-
bile registers.

There was but one religion followed in Louisiana, the Roman
Catholic, and Bienville and his French successors upheld the church
so that its history blends with the political history of Louisiana; it
is said that much of the animosity against Bienville came from his
partiality to the Jesuits.

There was much laxity in the observance of religious rites in
Louisiana but after the priests were permanently established and that
the Ursulines formed the minds and hearts of the wives and mothers
of the colony religious influence spread. The child had scarcely
opened its eyes upon the world than the priest gave the soul in its
infant body its rank as an individual and a Christian ; love was idealized
and sanctified by a sacrement, and death, the dividing line between
two worlds, again brought the priest to bless the Ufeless clay which
had held an immortal soul. Still these first colonists were not devout
nor bigoted. Laws had to be enforced to compel them to abstain from
work on Sundays, to close the cabarets and gaming houses, and even
though the ordinance was limited to the hour of Mass on Sundays
and feast days, many delinquents were found when the attorney-
general made his roimds of inspection. They were cited and fined
to the benefit of the hospital and a second offense brought a more
severe penalty, but the fines were paid and the games and the parties
went on.

Bienville believed that religious orders had a salutary influence
and gave vitality and expansion to the colony. There were Capuchins
stationed at the Balize, Tchoupitoulas, les Allemands, Nachitoches,
and Mobile. The Jesuits had full sway over the Indian missions but
had a house and a chapel in New Orleans, adjoining Bienville's
house, which was then at the extreme end of the city, which extended
only to what was then Bienville street.

The missionaries were to be supported by the Company of the
Indies, but records of the seminary of Quebec show that little atten-
tion was paid to promises. The seminary was to receive 3,000
pounds or francs a year for the missions, and the missionaries were
admonished to subsist thereon. Three thousand pounds seemed to be
a goodly simi for priests among the savages, but imtil then the number
had not been large on account of the difficulty of maintenance, the
simi stipulated not being paid for several years, and when payment
was made it was in notes or orders on the royal treasury, which had
to be negotiated at half price to secure any money. On 3,000 pounds
only 1,500 had been received.

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Sidelights on Louisiana History 89

Still, living was more expensive in Louisiana than in France
and it was impossible for the missionaries to subsist. The document
sets forth their poverty; things most necessary to life could not be
made to grow; there was no bread nc^ wine as nourishment; no clothes
nor cloth to cover them. Permission was sought by the seminary of
Quebec to send produce for their support, by agents from Paris.

The minister, Coimt Pontchartrain could alone obviate these
difficulties. The missionaries being among the savages could not be
helped by specie, but had to live by exchanges of beads, knives, axes,
vermilion, etc., f<M- com and meat. They had no traffic with the
savages.

The King gave 1,500 francs for maintenance of the Curate at
Fort Louis, but this sum was reduced to half on collection. One may
imagine what subsistence could be had on 750 francs a year, and this
might explain the commercial activities of the curate de la Vente. A
priests was sent to Dauphine Island without increase of the allowance.
The priest appointed as almoner of the troops was to receive 600
francs a year, but at the time the petition was written he had not
received a cent, though he had labored faithfully during several
years. The curate's gratifications could not supply the wants of the
assistant priests, for no charity, however small, was made to the chtu-ch
for biuials, marriages and christenings. The governor and priests
deemed it best not to make any ecclesiastical demand for fear of the
colonists being led away from their Christian duties, which they ful-
filled with so much laxity and indifference. Cotmt Pontchartrain
was asked to pay the past debt and to enforce regular payments of
the priests' allowance and to consider that, the inhabitants not being
able to build a church or to furnish the recjuisites for holy service, all
expense was borne by the missionaries. His Majesty's piety was
relied on to remedy this evil, not only for the service of God, but for
the honor and usefulness of the nation.

(Written up from Correspondence generate, La. Hist. Scty.)

The priests tried renting pews as a source of income, but the pew
rents were not paid, though each pew was to be paid but 60 francs a
year in 1726.

Bienville always took the initiative in trying to extend religious
influence in the colony, but it happened that after bringing his
cflForts to a successful ending others reaped the glory of their achieve-
ment. He called for a convent for the yoimg girls of New Orleans
and sent Father de Beaubois to France to obtain fitting subjects to
accomplish this mission. The contract with the Ursuline nims was

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signed in 1726, when Bienville was recalled to France and they ar-
rived in 1727.

On Bienville's return he undertook to build a presbytery for
the priests who were the spiritual directors of the colony. At the
request of Father Matthias, he called a meeting at the Government
House, over which he presided with Mr. Edme Gatien de Salmon,
marine commissary and judge of the Superior Council. The meet-
ing was called by the soimd of the Church bells, it was well attended
and it was decided that the presbytery was to be begim on short
notice; but war broke out between the colony andits savage neighbors;
dire distress and want followed and the building had to be put off
till better days. In 1744 the matter was again taken up and it was
decided, that with this end in view, a tax would be levied on every
negro head and on real estate owned by the inhabitants and the
presbytery was soon erected.

The priests of the seminary were called by the savages "Blancs
Collets" (white collars) and the Jesuits *'Robes Noires" (black
robes).

All the missionaries were given free passage on the Company's
boats, but the Jesuits were debarred from receiving any bequest or
donation imder any pretext whatsoever.

The Jesuits protested to the Company of the Indies claiming
that it was not just that the Louisiana contingent should be on a-
diJBferent footing from those in France. To this the Company re-
sponded: 'The company's interest exacts this clause for the estab-
lishment of the hospital."

The Jesxiits at their own expense built two churches and two
houses in villages of the Illinois and a chapel in New Orleans. They
asked to be reimbtcrsed by the Company, but no attention was paid
to their demands.

In 1726 we find the Jesuits given in care a hospital in New
Orleans, on condition that they would perform no ecclesiastical rite
without the consent of the Capuchins. The Jesuit chapel (la chapelle
du P&re de Beaubois) was frequented by the intelligent element and
patronized by the aristocracy, for even in those early days of New
Orleans rank and caste were considered. It was called the chapel of
honest folks ("la chapelle des honnStes gens.") Father de Beaubois
was devoted to Bienville and thereby incurred the enmity of the cabal
opposing him.

The Jesuit bore the bnmt of their jealousy and hatred, was tra-
duced and persecuted. He was accused of intriguing among the

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Sidelights on Louisiana History 91

colonists for Bienville's return and the beauty of the Jesuits's house
was reproached to him.

The new church erected at the end of Bienville's administration
was blessed April 24th, 1727. When the procession entered the
church, Attorney Fleurian noticed three arm chairs covered with blue
cloth in the choir. They were intended for Mr. Perrier, Commander
General, for Mr. de la Chaise, first Coimcillor of the Supreme Coxmcil,
and for the priest officiating.

A few months after this ceremony the Ursulines arrived. The
Company had accepted Father Beaubois' proposal to establish the
Ursulines in New Orleans and in 1726 a contract signed by the
Company and the Ursulines, giving over to these nxms the care of the
hospital and the instruction of the youth of the colony; the
last duty to be imdertaken only if the sdiool did not interfere with
the care of the sick.

This contract was signed by: Raguet, (Abbe) ; J. Moren, Darta-
guette Diron, Saintard, Deshayes, Fromaget, Langeane.'

From the annals of the Ursulines of New Orleans, the following
details are taken:

These nims embarked on the Gironde February 22nd, 1727, and
after a perilous journey arrived at mouth of the Mississippi on the
23rd day of July of the same year.

At the Balize Commandant de Verges received them very cor-
dially. On the 31st of July the Superioress, five sisters. Father
Doutreleau and Brother Crucy embarked in a pirogue, the others
followed in a shallop. The first party arrived early on the 6th of
August, the other on the following day, which is the day usually
given for the landing of the Ursulines.

Father Ignatius de Beaubois conducted the Ursulines to Bien-
ville's house* which was assigned to them as a temporary residence.

''This house is said to have been situated at the Southeastern
comer of the square boimded by Bienville, Chartres, Conti, and Royal
Streets. It was a Iwo story frame building, each floor having six
apartments. The windows were numerous but instead of being
glazed, each was furnished with a frame covered with some kind of
light material, which, while admitting air, was almost as translu-
cent as glass."

if Sr. Catherine de Bniscoly de St. Amand, (Soeur Superieure des Uraulines de France.)
Sr. Marie Tranchepin St. Augustin, (to be Superior of New Orleans Ursulines.)
St. Marie Anne Le Boulanger. Angebque.

This contract had been examined at a meeting of the directors, in presence of Mr. Fortia, de
Landevisian. Aigran and Pereine de Moras. — Notes from Margry).

*From the Ursuline Atmals, a description of Bienville's residence.

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The Ursulines immediately began their missionary duties. In
their school they received boarders, and day pupils, they also in-
structed the savages and the negresses, and in 1729 the female orphans
spared from the Natchez massacre formed the nucleus of their
orphanage.

Speaking of this orphanage a memorial to France in 1732 men-
tions that the orphans raised by the Ursulines are taught the care of
silk worms and the fabrication of silk and "when they are married
will teach their negresses". This orphanage received some help
from the colonial authorities, but for long years the expense was borne
by the Ursulines. It flourished imder five different flags and was
abandoned for want of space a few years ago when the ntms moved
into their present Convent on State Street.

The length of time the Ursulines occupied Bienville's house
has never been positively stated. The Company tad made them a
concession of a plantation, and tradition is that they removed ther6
as soon as a building large enough for them was erected. Nun
Street and Religious Street fw many years recalled this temporary
abode of theirs. The Convent which the Company was constructing
for them progressed slowly. In 1730 Dame Catherine Le Chibelier,
wife of Governor Perrier, laid the comer stone, but the building was
not completed imtil 1734, and in the meanwhile Bienville had again
been appointed Governor of Louisiana. He, as governor, the inten-
dant Edme Gatien de Salmon and the most distinguished citizens
attended the removal. This convent is said to have cost 100,000
poimds or francs. The company intended it should serve as Convent
and hospital, but upon Father de Beaubois' representations a separ-
ate building was constructed for the hospital. The sick were removed
to this building in August, 1734.

The third Ursuline abode was situated on Chartres Street; back
of it was the river front, then called Quay, on one side rue de TArsenal
which became rue des Ursulines, and the other side became Hospital
Street, from the King's hospital.

In Margry's notes we find the Ursulines still in charge of the
hospital in 1752 and their annals give 1770 as the date they gave up
this care on accpunt of "their small ntunber and of the difficulty of
obtaining reinforcements frdm France."

In 1765 the annalist records that Sister d' Angelica Boulanger,
alone remained fix)m the pioneer nuns fitMn France, "to tender a
cordial welcome and mmister to the needs of the poor, heart-broken
exiles from Acadia.

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There are many other interesting facts in the history of these
devoted women, the first infirmarians and educators of Louisiana,
but this data is admissable only insomuch as it touches Bienville.
The harboring of the expatriated Acadians was one of the last-heart
stirring events to precede his death.

Bienville had been no less anxious to obtain educational ad-
vantages for the yoimg men of the colony. After his return to the
colony, in 1742, we find a joint memorial signed Bienville and Salmon
asking for the establishment of a College imder the supervision of the
Jesuits. Bienville thought that wherever the Jesuits had been es-
tablished the uplift of the population had followed.

Salmon, the very next day, wrote to the minister asking for two
Christian Brothers instead of the Jesuits, setting forth the pecuniary
advantage it would be to the Crown.

Again Bienville left the colony before obtaining results.

Memorial of Messrs. Bienville and Salmon to Establish
a College in New Orleans, 1742.

'The inhabitants have since some time represented the necessity
of establishing a college for the education of their children, and they,
on their side, realizing the advantage of such an establishment have
proposed to the Jesuits to provide it. These religions are deterred
by the scarcity of subjects and lodgings. It is, however, essential
that it should be seen to on accoimt of the classical studies, of geome-
try, pilotage, etc. The children besides will learn religion which is
the base of morals. It is but too apparent how useless the yoimg men
raised in luxury and idleness, prove to be. It is also to be feared that
most of these yoimg men, disgusted of this coimtry, if educated abroad,
may come back to it only to collect the heritage left by their parents.

Another incentive besides these motives is that several persons
of distinction in Vera Cruz would wish to send their children to
Louisiana to learn the French language and to acquire polished manners.
Some of them wrote to the Jesuits to this effect,, and, without
awaiting their answer, sent two children. They would send them
several others if they had lodgings and teachers to provide.

The Jesuits were determined not to receive any, but considered
that it might bring on commerce between Vera Cruz and New Or-
leans, which trade would greatly contribute to the prosperity of the
colony.

These Fathers have written to their Superiors to await Your
Highness' orders on this question."

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Mr. Salmon proposed privately to send to the colony two Chris-
tian Brothers for the instruction of the children, and he declares
that "Malo, one of them here since several years, would find some
who would not ask better than to accept the offer if they were allowed
300 pounds or francs salary a piece." This brother had written to
the commimity of the State, and promised to share with those who
might be sent the little wealth he had in this colony which may have
amounted to 3,000 poimds or francs.

Mr. Salmon adds that "the establishment is all the more necessary
from there being none but soldiers who know nothing and cannot
give the first principles to children. These teachers will occasion an
expense of only 600 poimds a year, and will be housed without cost
to the King on land conceded near the church to a merchant who
"binds himself to erect the required building." This was in June
16, 1742.

Hospital.

Jean Louis' Will— -Bequest which. was the nucleus of the present
Charity Hospital. (1735.)

"Hdographic will written by my own hand:

"Nothing being more certain than death and nothing more un-
certain than its hour, stricken by a dangerous bodily malady but
sane of mind, I wish to settle my affairs, to explain how I intend my
last will to be carried out by my testamentary executor who will he
named hereafter. Without any one being able to contravene, being
of age, having neither father nor mother, one having died in my
childhood and my mother thirteen years ago, what I own I earned
irreproachably in this coimtry.

As to what may come to me from France of any nature whatso-
ever, I set in order and willed where I should before leaving.

I recommend my soul to God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost,
to the Holy Virgin, to my Guardian Angel and to all the Saints of
Paradise, particularly to my Holy Patrons; praying that when my
soul passes from this world into the other it may be received among
the blessed. Amen.

I give my soul to God, my body to the earth, asking my executor
that my interment be simple and to have a high mass with sermon
before it. Low masses are to be offered during one year, every first
Monday of the month, a funeral service to take place for me in the
parish church and fifty low masses.

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Sidelights on Louisiana History 95

Idem* — I ask those whom I may have offended in any way
whatsoever to forgive me as I forgive.

Idem. — I will that my notes and debts, if any be found, be ac-
quitted and paid preferably to all other things.

Idem. — I give to the parish church for an ornament or embellish-
ment which my executor may choose, such as a large crucifix or any-
thing else, at his will 200 pounds which will be used by him with this
end in view according to the most pressing needs.

Idem. — I give to the poor of the city who are ashamed to beg
200 pounds and 100 pounds to procxire clothes for the most needy
orphans according to my executors will.

My debts being paid and the above bequests distributed, with the
remainder and my small lot of ground I will a pension to serve per-
petually for the foimding of a hospital for the sick of the city of New
Orleans, (without power to change its destination) and to be able to
secure the necessary things to assist the sick.

I will and intend that the said pension be made by my testa-
mentary executor, to whom I leave the inspection and direction of
said hospital during his life, and in case of his death or removal to the
person he will choose and name to execute my will.

This present will written by my hand, in full possession of my
faculties and judgment, revoking all previous wills and codicils I may
have made which same are null and void, willing and intending that
this present be executed according to its form and tenor, and this
rather increased than diminished, trusting in the matter to the good
will of my testamentary executor to accomplish all herein contained.

I name Mr. Raguet, Coimcillor in the Superior Council of this
province and request him to take this in charge as if it belonged to
him, without being obliged to render any account whatever, and
without any official investigating it, trusting entirely in his honesty
and faithfulness.

New Orleans, this sixteenth day of November, one thousand
seven hundred and thirty-five. (1735). Signed: JEAN LOUIS."

Filing Jean Louis' Will, 1736.

"January 21, 1736.
"In the year one thousand seven himdred and thirty-six, on the
twenty-first day of January, at one of the clock in the afternoon, we,
Edme Gatien de Salmon, commissary of the marine, intendant
commissary and supreme judge of the Superior Council of the pro-
vince of Louisiana, have opened in presence of the attorney-general
of the King, of Messrs. Bizoton arid Raguet the holograph will of

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Jean Lotus, inhabitant of Louisiana, who died in New Orleans this
day and hour of the afternoon, beginning by the words: In the name
of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, Amen. Nothing being more
certain than death, and ending with these words: "and to execute
and accomplish all herein contained I name Mr. Raguet, Councillor
in the Supreme Cotmcil of this province and request him to take it in
charge as if it belonged to him, without being obliged to render any
accoimt whatever, without any official personage investigating it,
trusting to his honesty and faithfulness. New Orleans this sixteenth
day of November, one thousand seven hundred and thirty-five.
Signed: Jean Louis." And after having given cognizance of it to
Mr. Raguet, and having delivered it to him, who volimtarily accepted
the charge and promised to have it executed with all possible exacti-
tude, therefore we have drawn up this present verbal process by our
clerk of court, Sorel, which act having been read to the said Mr.
Raguet, above named, signed we present, in New Orleans the afore-
said day, the said will, and the gentlemen here named have signed
with us the present in New Orleans this day, that the said will was
made by Jean Louis, and was registered at the reg:istry to serve
whom it may concern, the other delivered this day.

Signed: Salmon Flexman

. Bizoton Raguet"

Jean Louis in 1732 appears in the list of inhabitants on Orleans
Street. He had been a sailor, but later in life went into commerce;
he "made and sold boats;" in the census of 1732 he is styled "patron
de bateaux."

On the Foundation of a Hospital in New Orleans
From a Memorial by Bienville.

"May 20, 1737.

"Jean Louis, a sailor in the employ of the Company of the Indies,
who had a small commerce died last year, (1736), being a bachelor,
without children,, he leaves by holographic will all his estate, which,
all debts paid, will bring 10,000 piastres cash."

In accord with the ciurate and the testamentary executor of
Jean Louis, Messrs. Bienville and Salmon purchased Mrs. Kolly's
house, situated on a large tract at the extremity of the dty and formerly
occupied by the nuns, then they bought beds, clothing and utensils
necessary to a hospital. After these expenses there remained 5,000
piastres which added to aid from the inhabitants was employed in
building a large brick hall to shelter the sick. The house on the
groimds could not have lasted much longer. At its opening there

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Sidelights on Louisiana History 97

were five patients admitted. Messrs Bienville and Salmon continue:
"By this means there will be no beggars; they will all be interned and
kept at work according to their abilities. This will contribute to
lessen their number for most of them will prefer work to less of
freedom.

"This beginning of the institution will encourage the inhabitants
to join and furnish the material and days of labor needed to finish
the solid buildings which will be of such urgent need when the old
house no longer exists. At the same time it will relieve the King's
hospital which was so often compelled to receive the poor inhabitants,
who, without their aid would have perished of want."

The * 'historical epitome of New Orleans and of the State of
Lousiana locates this first hospital for the indigent sick of New Or-
leans on the west side of Rampart street between Toulouse and St.
Peter. It was destroyed by the hurricane which devastated New
Orleans in 1779 and five years later Don Andres Almonester y Roxas
erected at his own expense the "New Charity Hospital of San Carlos."
It cost 114,000 piastres and he endowed it with a revenue of 1,500
piastre per annimi.

In Bienville's day, besides the King's hopsital for soldiers,
there was also a smallpox hospital, for in court records we find a
mention of a fine imposed "available to smallpox hospital."

The King's hospital for soldiers in 1728, was on "rue du Quay
(river front) now Decatur Street, between Rue de I'Arsenal (now
Ursulines), and Rue St. Philippe.

In 1734, when the Ursulines moved to the Convent, which was
on the site where stands the former archbishopric, the Company
of the Indies placed the hospital in its rear on what is now Decatur
Street, though they had intended to combine convent and hospital
in the same bxiilding. In 1723 the hospital was also on Rue du Quay,
but differently situated and Dr. Prat is reported in charge of it with
"three infirmarians, a gardener, a washerwoman, two negroes and
two negresses."

Census.

Census of New Orleans and its environs in 1721, followed by
siunmary of a memorial upon the land, its production medicinal
herbs, grants, etc., made by the Inspector General of the troops in the
province of Louisiana and in New Orleans. November 24, 1721 :

"Bienville, Commander General; Mr. de Pailhoux, Major General;
Mr. Banes, Major; de Gauvrit, Captain; de Pauger, Engineer; Rossard,
Recorder; Berard, Surgeon Major; Sarazin, Watchman of the Store.

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98 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Officers: Decoublans, Delatour, Basset, Coustillas, Dupuy."

In 1721, Population of New Orleans, Bayou St. John, ancient
villages of the Tchoupitoulas, Colapissas, Gentilly, Cannes Bruslees,
Little Desert, English Lookout, and Chaouachas, numbered:

293 Men, 140 women, 96 children, 155 French servants (white),
514 negro slaves, 51 Indian slaves.

Animals: 231 Homed cattle, 28 horses.

{Products). The lands of New Orleans and adjoining places
spoken of in the above census are very good. They produce rice,
wheat, com, all kinds of vegetables and tobacco in abimdance. Vines,
wheat, rye, barley would yield well if the ground were more open or
less wooded, which may be attended to later on.

"Mr. Dubuisson, concessionary, inhabitant of the Bayou Goulas,
30 miles above New Orleans has tried the cultivation of wheat and
succeeded very well, it ripened to perfection. He had a fine harvest
in proportion to what he sowed. He also sowed indigo seeds which
gave fine results, and they reckon on three, or at least two, very
good cuttings in the year.

"There is no quarry in the environs of New Orleans. There are
large quantities of medicinal plants for all sorts maladies, but very
few Frenchmen have any knowledge of them. The savages who
know their properties use them with success, but jealously guard the
secret from the French.

"Silk may be made, silk worms thrive well but it is difficult to
raise them in great numbers because the mulberry trees, though
common, are scattered through thick woods and cane brakes, so that
any colonists undertaking this culture would have to employ a great
many negro slaves to bring in the mulberry leaves, and they coidd be
given no other work. If in the spring the young mulberry trees are
transplanted near the plantations raising silk worms, less slaves
would be required. Mr. Dubuisson made a trial which gave, a fine
and good quality of silk of which he sent a sample to the Company of
the Indies and one to Paris associates.

"Good wood is foimd here, such as cypress, white oak, green oak,
cotton-wood, elm, bay-trees, of various kinds, copahu, vinegar-trees,
and others.

"Cypress is used for all sorts of constructions, it is the best wood,
makes fine planks and ship boards. They maintain that it does not
rot in the ground and is never worm-eaten in water.

"They use the bark and root of the cotton-wood for fresh and
old wounds, boiling it and then spraying the wound or sore with the
liquid.

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Sidelights an Louisiana History 99

"They make fine and good ship boards and planks from the white
oak.

'The bark and root of the elder tree is used to allay swelling.
It is boiled, put in brandy with soap, made into a poultice and ap-
plied to the swollen part.

"Cbpahu produces a gxun good for all sorts of fresh wounds,
which it heals in twenty-four hours and brings the flesh together.

"The Mississippi sometimes inundates New Orleans and its en-
virons. We have not had an inimdation since three years; the water
then rose three or four inches above the banks of the river. The old
inhabitants and savages say that they have never seen the water
higher than at this time. It is conceded that it would be easy to
guard against this overflow by making a levee. The water begins
to rise in March and continues imtil June at which time it gradually
falls.

This memorial was made by Diron D'Artaguette, inspector
general, of the troops of Louisiana and of those in New Oleans,
November 24, 1721. Signed: DIRON,

and coimtersigned:

BIENVILLE,

Le Blond de la Tour,

Duvergier,

de Cormes.

The following list of the most important grants was also given by
Diron at a later date:

* 'Louisiana Grants:

"Concession of M. Leblanc, secretary of war, at the Yazoos — cli-
mate and land not favorable. Mr. Le Blond de la Tour, engineer in
chief of Louisiana, is administrator of this grant — on it, all counted,
there are about 140 persons.

"Concession of Madame de Mezieres and Desmarches, half at the
Ouachitas and half on the Mississippi, from the *Ecores blanches' of
Pointe Coupee to Iberville Island which is two leagues below. The
lower part of these tracts is quite good; Mr. Marie is the director —
120 inhabitants in all.

"Concession of Count D'Artagnan, is at Cannes Bruslees, six
leagues below New Orleans. There are broad fields cleared which
should be sowed. The land is good but in the great overflows it is
inundated to the height of 8 or 10 inches — levees to be built to remedy
this; land being subject to inimdations a grant of four leagues was
added to it at the Cross of the Tonicas, where there were fine high

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prairies. Messrs. D'Artagnan and de B6nac are directors of this
grant which comprises 70 whites and 20 negroes.

"Concession of Mr. Dyron, inspector of Louisiana troops, is sit-
uated at Baton Rouge, 40 leagues above New Orleans, — ^this tract is
fine and good with many prairies. 30 Whites, 20 negroes and 2 Indian
slaves.

"Concession of Mr. Coetlogon at the Natchez, works wonders.
Mr. Diunanoir, director, has asked for another grant below English
Lookout. On this grant about 90 whites, 30 negroes and some Indian
slaves.

"Concession of Mr. KoUy at the Chapitoulas, three leagues above
New Orleans, excellent land which yield^ 600 qtiarters of rice against
14 quarters sowed, besides qtiantities of vegetables and com. Mr.
Ceard has asked for another tract of four leagues, which was granted
from the "Ecores blanches" of Pointe Coupee, ascending the river.
About 100 whites, 46 negroes and two Indian slaves.

"Concession of Mr. Law divided between the Arkansas and Eng-
lish Lookout. Directed by the Company of the Indies.

"Concession of Mr. Danceny, will be established with diflSculty,
owing to Mr. Lepinay, (director), having lost most of his effects in the
fire at the store, and he expects to return to France by the first ship.

"Concession of Mr. Chaimiont situated at Capinaus on the Chapi-
toulas river — ^good land — directed by Mr. Lagarde — about 25 whites,
30 negroes.

"Concession of Mr. Dubuisson, supposed to belong to Mrs. Paris,
established at the Bayou Goulas, twenty-eight leagues above New
Orleans — ^land good — 4 whites, 15 or 20 negroes. Mr. Dubuisson,
director, trying the culture of silk.

"Concession of Mr. Cantillon, Irishman, on the Ouachita river,
otherwise called Black river which empties into Red River — 10
whites and 20 negroes. Mr. Cantillon manages it himself.

"Besides these grants there are other smaller plantations in differ-
ent parts of the colony.

*'Les Allemands'' The German families niunbering about 330
persons of both sexes and different ages — 12 leagues above New
Orleans on the left side, ascending the river, settled on very good land
where there were formerly Indian fields easy to cultivate — divided
into three villages — tract extensive in area and never inimdated —
As the people are very laborious there is reason to hope that their
harvest will be abimdant this year, and that, in the course of time,
they will make good establishments in the colony.

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** Illinois. In March 1722 there was no certain news in the lower
end of the colony from Illinois save a letter dated November, 1721,
mentioning that "Mr. Renaud, who has a grant, is working a lead
mine which yields 90 per cent." If this is true it will be confii:med."

(Here the memorial touches again on the products of Louisiana,
extends itself on indigo, tobacco, etc., and then takes up the impor-
tant question of negroes.)

** Negroes. It is absolutely necessary to send a great many
negroes here (Louisiana). They are better adapted to the cultivation of
the groimd and just as the islands of America were established by negro
slaves, Louisiana will never be well established until a sufficient number
of them is sent. They are easily and rapidly acclimated, and there is
' no subjection but to clothe them in winter; the expense is moderate.

"The concessionists having settled on their tracts only in January,
1722, the establishment of the colony must date only from that time.
The new inhabitants and the few who remain of the former ones
work very hard raising their provisions and there is reason to hope,
that barring accidents, the crops will be abimdant this year, after
which they will, according to the quality of their land, apply them-
selves to the cultivation of indigo and tobacco and to the fabrica-
tion of silk, bray and other things which will bring retiuns to France;
but to attain this result negroes must be furnished, otherwise their
establishments cannot be successfully carried on."

"Then follow projects of commerce with the Spaniards by sea and
land, most advantageous at the post of the Nachitoches and on the
Arkansas and Missouri rivers, etc.

"Horses and Cattle. As cattle and horses are absolutely neces-
sary to the colony we should neglect no means of procuring them.
They may be obtained from the Spaniards by land or by sea from
Tampico; it is probable that they may be also brought from Baya-
honda, a port of Cuba, west of Havana. Horses and homed cattle
are indispensable for transports and carriages and for the labor of the
colony. It is also to be desired that we have a quantity of beef
sufficient to establish butcheries in the more thickly populated
places, where living is always rough and difficult.

"The main object is to form establishments on the Mississippi,
and the greatest misfortime of the colony comes from not having
made all the ships bringing colonists to Louisiana come by the river,
which was as navigable in the first days of the establishment as it is
today, but they did not know it or did not want to profit of it, for all
the concessionists and their effects were landed on the sands of the
coast, and there was not enough small craft to bring them up the

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river, which the ships of France could easily have done; half of the
workmen and those engaged for the grants perished from their long
sojourn on an arid coast from hunger and destitution during sickness;
almost all their effects were used up or sold, whilst if they had sent
them up the river on ships these poor people would be living and aid-
ing in the perfecting of the plantations which would now be in con-
dition to repay past expenses made to establish the colony.

"It is certain that the navigation of the Mississippi presents no
difficulty and that all ships not drawing more than twelve and a half
feet of water can easily go through it. Ordinarily there is a depth of
13 feet of water and sometimes more at the entrance of this river.
The bottom is of soft mud which has been attested by different
captains who have passed through several times and by Father
Charlevoix, who passed in Jime, 1722.

'Travelers assure that the lands are excellent from and includ-
ing English Turn, to the farthest that the French have been able to
go ascending the river, except at the Yazoos. The same is said of the
lands below English Turn. The general direction of the colony was
first at Dauphine Island, where there is a good harbor, but since the
entrance has been obstructed by shifting sands they moved to Old
Biloxy and later to New Biloxy which is now called Fort Saint Louis.
The ^ps going to the last named place were obliged to anchor at
Ship Island four leagues from land. This road is exposed to violent
north winds and the ships to insults from enemies, there being no
fortifications on the island to defend the harbor.

"As it is absolutely necessary that the general direction should be
on the Mississippi, the order was given to remove it to New Orleans.
According to many who are familiar with the colony it would be better
to establish it at English Lookout on the same river, because the ships
are obliged to unload at New Orleans and they require more time to
go up the river to New Orleans though there are but seven leagues
difference between the two places. From English Lookout it would
take put 24 hours to reach the mouth of the river."

In 1722 Diron made a voyage to Nachitoches, where St Denis
was commander, and he mentions * 'quantities of trees called plaque-
mines (persimmon tree) bearing a fruit, plaquemine, which resembles
the plirni of France, but which is incomparably better. The savages
make flat bread of it which is astringent and even used as a remedy.

"You may also find quantities of walnuts as good as those of France
but there is much difficulty in getting almonds, of which the savages
make sagamie, which is very good. Mississippi lands produce the
same trees and fruits. Peach and prime trees are very conunon

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Sidelights on Louisiana History 103

and the fruits as good as those of France. They cling to the stone
and are of one kind only. The savages of this nation (Nachitoches)
make a fine red dye which never loses its color from the root of a
medicinal plant unknown to the French. They dye small baskets
and the mats on which they sleep with it; they make black dye from
another root. This nation has about 100 men bearing arms; they
love the French, whom they support during the greater part of the
year by hunting and fishing.

"On the road from Nachitoches to the Spanish post, which is
seven leagues distant, there are fine trees, walnuts, pine trees, and at
intervals, beautiful prairies where wild vines bear grapes as good as
those of France. Until now they only make vinegar of them, but Mr.
St. Denis and other private individuals intend to make wine as good
as French wine. This vine bears a year after planting; in the winter
old vines were burned to the groimd and the same year new shoots
came up and bore grapes."

(Diron at St. Jean Baptiste and Nachitoches, May, 1722.)"

Certificate of Freedom.

"October 10, 1741.
"I certify that the negress named Genevieve is not a slave, and
that she may marry when the Reverend Capuchin Fathers approve.

BIENVILLE."
"I certify the same.

SALMON."
"Filed as minute in registry of the Superior Council, this seven-
teenth day of October, one thousand seven himdred and forty-two.

"HENRY, Recorder.

"Fleurian."

Bill In Name of Chevalier d'Aubigny.

December, 1742.

"A dozen embroidered jackets and accessories 1530^ francs

Gold and silver trimmings, colors were yellow, silver
white, gold, pink, blue and cherry,
from Bordeaux.

Silk goods and jackets sold 6957 francs

Another shipment 3713f francs

Red Shoes, ''Savage King."

Commission given by George II, King of Great Britain, to
Mottoi Mecco, warrior of the Choctaw nation:

"Whereas, you have shown your friendship and zeal for the ser-

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104 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

vice of our subjects and have come down in person, on behalf of the
Choctaw King, Red Shoes, and the whole nation, to propose friendship
and commerce with our subjects, and also claim to be distinguished
by having our commission and authority, we therefore, reposing espec-
ial trust and confidence in your courage, prudence and integrity do
hereby commission and appoint you, the said Mottoi Mecco, to be
chief war captain under the said Red Shoes, King, and all the Choctaw
nation is hereby required to pay due obedience to their chief captain.

Given imder the great seal of our province.

Witness, William Bull, Esq., president and commander in chief
in and over our said province of South Carolina, this thirteenth day
of June, Anno Domini, 1738, and in the twelfth year of our reign."

(The ties of the seal were on it, but the seal itself missing.)

Translation-— Notes from Margry.

Contract with Surgeon in 1724. Copy of Contract with
Sieur Dominique Douat de Sanson, Surgeon.

'*!, the undersigned, Dominique Douat de Sanson, native of
Bagneres (Bigorre), surgeon and apothecary by profession, acknowl-
edge having engaged myself this day in the best possible form and
manner, in presence of Mr. Sorlier, consul of France in the Canary
Islands, to Mr. R6n6 Louis de Verteuil, general administrator of the
concession named Le Buisson, former village of the Bayougoulas,
in Louisiana, to serve in the said concession during the term and time
of three years, as surgeon and apothecary, to the best of my ability
and with all possible affection; on condition that the said Sieur de
Verteuil, pay me as wages and appointments, the siun 600 poimds
per year, and that besides I shall be lodged and that my clothes be
laundered at the expense of the grant. It is also agreed with the Sieur
de Verteuil that my salary is to be increased in proportion to the
increase of negroes beyond seventy-five, the present number, and of
those in the concession on the arrival of the first slave ship in New
Orleans, which appointments will go into effect the day I set foot on
the soil of Louisiana.

In testimony thereof I have signed these presents, in presence of
the undersigned witnesses, which I promise to execute under penalty
of damages and interest.

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Sidelights an Louisiana History 105

Done (double) at Ste. Croix of Teneriflfe, the twenty-fifth day of
October, one thousand seven hundred and twenty-four.
Signed: D. Douat de Sanson.

Signed: E. SORLIER,
Consul of France in the Canary Islands.
De CALIBER, Chancellor.
Signed: de Verteuil, New Oleans.

Conform to original in my hands.

Consultation and Diagnosis of Physicians
Over Swiss Soldier in 1727.

''We, the imdersigned surgeons major of the hospital of the city
of New Oleans certify that we examined Mr. Gaulas, aforesaid
lieutenant of the Swiss company, and we declare a fracture of the
collar bone, so badly reduc^, and the callus so solidified that it is
impossible to remedy it without danger from the violence necessary
to break the callus, the patient having arrived too late in this city
to be methodically dressed, so that he will be deprived of free move-
ment of his arm. In testimony of which we have signed this present
for whom it may concern, and for his use, if needed.

**Done in New Orleans this twenty-second day of Septiember,
one thousand seven himdred and twenty-seven."

POUYADON de LATOUR.
Signed: Alexandre.

Gaulas was a property holder on Bourbon street in 1725.

Petition of iSieur Prat, of the King's Hospital, to Mr.
Salmon, Intendant Commissary in Louisiana

Summary: Observations on remedies sent from France and their
excessively high price, for which he cannot account, asks aid to keep
up a garden of medicinal plants which will do away with the impor-
tation of many remedies now drawn from France, and afford many
which could not bear transportation without alteration of their
qualities. Advantages held forth firom anticipated success of fructifi-
cation of seeds brought in by last ship. The Ursulines niins are ex-
pecting a nun who is a pharmacist. Asks for building as a lodging
for the sick, according to promise made, convenient to them and which
would afford him the facility of cultivating the proposed garden.
On the growing importance of the New Orleans hospital; Prat pe-
titions minister for salary of 2,000 poimds, begs him to consider that
lodging was always furnished to the physician in this colony, that

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106 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

he was honored with a place as councillor and thereby ^enjoyed 400
pounds surplus salary.

This demand seems all the more just from the fact that the
colonists being accustomed to free services from the physician he has
no resources but those which the country may afford him."

"In April, 1742, in a letter to the Minister in France, Prat
answers different questions conc^ping the memorial of Sieur Alexan-
dre, who 17 or 18 years previously had informed the Academy of the
researches made by him relative to the wax tree in Louisiana. Mr.
Prat has likewise written a memorial on the subject, (1742), and
forwards his own with that of Sieur Alexandre. He intends to make
experiments with this producticwi which will enable him to answer
more accurately their inquiries.

Plantations of this shrub are likely to become of great commercial
advantages to the colony. Cotton will not be less lucrative if some
facility is afforded to extract the seed. Here follow answers to in-
formation sought concerning Dr. Alexandre's memorial. Insur-
mountable difficulties suscitated by the directors of the Company
of the Indies then at the head of the colony, turned him away from
this culture at the time; the said Doctor Prat had informed the
Academy of his observations shortly after his arrival in Louisiana.
He sends a report on dried plants, and branches of two different
kinds of wax trees with leaves and flowers, and a small package of
seeds."

Prat says that the savages call this tree "Anemiche, that it
grows best in low, marshy ground, put that it has been known to
thrive on high, dry land." He then goes into botanical details and
cites Lirmaeus in classing it. Dr. Alexandre had given still mcMre
details about this tree, of which he mentions three different varieties.
He says that it grows in any soil but thrives best in low, damp, sandy
ground. He has even found it rooted to drift wood on the river.
He then writes of conditions imder which this culture would become a
source of revenue to the colony. This is evidently the Hoya and the
Myrica, (Bayberry, Sweet Gale), of which many varieties are foimd
as high up as Lake Erie and the coast of Canada.

Penalties Inflicted in Louisiana During the
French Domination.

Ordinance Relating to Deserting Sailors:

An ordinance passed in Paris, May 22, 1719, sentenced the cap-
tain, master or patron who enticed away a sailor from another master's
service to be fined 100 pounds, half of which was to be turned over

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Sidelights on Louisiana History 107

to the admiral and the other half to the former master, who could
claim the §ailor*s services if he chose. As this fine did not prevent
such enticements, by another ordinance it was increased and the
guilty captain, master or patron was subject to a fine of 300 pounds
on the same conditions and applications as the previous ordinance.

The sailor who deserted the vessel on which he had engaged
was condenmed the first time to the iron collar, and in case of relapse
to the stocks and to the "cale" (ducking). (This punishment con-
sisted in suspending a man to the yard arm of the main mast and
dropping him into the water. This was often repeated several times.)

Hotel keepers and tavern keepers were forbidden to harbor
sailors under certain penalties.

A marine ordinance obliged the captain, commanding officers,
clerk, chaplain and surgeon to sleep on board ships and the officers
were to enforce the same on sailors, soldiers and ship boys; even the
conmiissary was subject to this law; an inspection being made every
day in the officers' presence. During a campaign the captain and
other commanding officers were obliged to send their shallops to
land to serve as a conveyance for wood which was to be hewed and of
which they were "to make the greatest possible provision." It was
to be put on board and under no circiunstances to be brought to land
again.

At the same time another ordinance was passed regulating the
distribution of rations. His Majesty through the marine treasurer
paid for rations granted to general officers and other commanders
for their persons and utensils; for subsistence of the officers, almoner,
(or chaplain), clerk, surgeon major and marine guards who were
fed together at their table; baker and butcher were part of the equip-
age as sailorsi and were paid by His Majesty 16 pounds or francs a
month, and had a right to IJ rations which was delivered to them
by the commissary.

It was prohibited ta deliver the value of rations in money or
produce; exception however, was made for the food of cattle and
poultry destined to the table of the commanding officers, clerks,
chaplain and surgeon.

"Rations or victuals for a foot soldier consisted of 24 ounces of
baked bread, stale, between brown and white; one pint of wine, (Paris
measure), and one pound of beef or mutton at the choice of the
provision master."

**The ration of victuals furnished to a guardsmen, light-horseman,
musketeers, of the guard; horsemen and light horsemen of ordnance
companies, and grenadi